Water developers adopt selective stance
19 September 2024

UAE-based utility Sharjah Electricity & Water Authority (Sewa) and Saudi water offtaker Saudi Water Partnership Company (SWPC) each received a single bid for their recently tendered independent water producer (IWP) projects.
An all-local team comprising Acwa Power, Haji Abdullah Alireza & Company (Haaco) and AlSharif Contracting & Commercial Development submitted the sole proposal for the contract to develop the Jubail 4 and 6 IWP schemes in Saudi Arabia.
This is a far cry from the four bids SWPC received in 2020 for a contract to develop and operate the Jubail 3B IWP.
However, the fact that SWPC received only two bids for the contract to develop the smaller Ras Mohaisen IWP in April this year indicates that utility or water developers and investors have increasingly adopted a more selective stance when it comes to bidding for new projects.
"Combined, Jubail 4 and 6 is a large project and most developers are tied up with other ones, as there are many IWPs under way at the moment, not only in Saudi Arabia but throughout the GCC," says Robert Bryniak, CEO at Dubai-based Golden Sands Management (Marketing) Consulting.
The Jubail 4 and 6 seawater reverse osmosis (SWRO) plants will have a total combined capacity of 600,000 cubic metres a day (cm/d) and will be developed under one contract.
In comparison, the Ras Mohaisen IWP has a capacity of 300,000 cm/d, while Sewa's Hamriyah IWP will have a capacity of 410,000 cm/d.
Bryniak says that many developers are at, or near, their capacity and this makes it difficult to make short-term commitments without paying significantly more for skilled workers and key equipment component parts.
"Developers may be shying away from some of the larger projects because of this, especially knowing that tariffs need to be competitive to win.
"Developers have to spend significant amounts just to bid on a project and, if unsuccessful, this sunk cost needs to be eventually recouped on future projects. And I think this is resulting in developers being more selective in terms of the projects they go after, focusing more on those where they believe they have a good chance of winning."
The case is slightly different for the Hamriyah IWP, which is Sharjah's first major SWRO project to be procured on a public-private partnership (PPP) basis.
Acwa Power submitted the sole proposal for the contract to develop the project in December last year.
"This is Sharjah’s first IWP and, unlike other jurisdictions such as Oman, Abu Dhabi and Saudi Arabia, the emirate has yet to establish a track record with PPPs, especially in power and water," explains Bryniak
Given several false starts and issues with past PPPs, it is likely that developers will shy away and focus their efforts on more established – and financially stronger – offtakers elsewhere in the region.
Known for its strong risk appetite, Acwa Power signed the water procurement agreement with Sewa earlier in September and a team of France's Sidem and its parent company Veolia has been selected as the project's engineering, procurement and construction contractor.
This means discussions with banks and financial institutions could be nearing their conclusion, leading to the start of the project's construction.
Once the Hamriyah IWP reaches financial close and commercial operations, Bryniak says Sewa should be able to attract more developers for future IWPs.
Going forward, procurers could also consider adopting new or additional measures to attract more developers to their future IWP projects and avoid incurring higher tariffs.
A UAE-based executive with an international developer says that in some cases the quality of the request for proposals (RFPs) being issued can be improved.
MEED understands some of the recent RFPs lack comprehensive information or details, which leads contractors to add higher contingency costs to cover risks.
Bryniak concurs, adding that going forward, procurers throughout the GCC will need to spend more time and effort marketing and promoting their IWPs, and will need to be more selective in terms of timing, in order to optimise competition.
"They may also need to consider modifying their procurement processes to attract more bidders. Otherwise, they might continue to realise only one or just a few bidders, with likely higher tariffs in the near term."
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
Signing versus substance
The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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