Riyadh unveils $100bn tech hub

20 February 2024

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Saudi sovereign vehicle, the Public Investment Fund (PIF), has unveiled its $100bn capital-backed company, Alat, at an event in Riyadh on 20 February.

Announced on 1 February by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, Alat aims to transform Saudi Arabia into a global hub for electronics and advanced industries. 

The new company aims to create 39,000 direct jobs and achieve a direct non-oil GDP contribution of $9.3bn in Saudi Arabia by 2030.

“This is just the beginning,” said Amit Midha, global CEO of Alat and former Dell Technologies president in Asia Pacific and Japan.

Midha underscored the “power of harnessing the forces created by artificial intelligence, sustainability, innovation and supply chain resilience, which will enable Alat to leapfrog and re-imagine”.

“Sustainability will be at the core of everything we do,” Midha said, citing Saudi Arabia’s goal to generate half of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030.

The company’s inaugural partners include:

  • Carrier (US) – inaugural partner to create smart building research and development centre for intelligent climate solutions
  • Tahakom (local) – surveillance and transport mobility
  • Softbank Group (Japan) – factory to build next-generation robots; plant will open in December 2024
  • Dahua (China) – surveillance products for intelligent city and buildings

“We [will] have shipped our first made-in-Saudi Arabia robot by the end of 2024,” Midha said.

Alat will have seven business units focusing on semiconductors, AI, next-generation infrastructure and smart appliances, and smart buildings, among others.

According to the PIF, Alat will manufacture more than 30 product categories, including robotic systems, communication systems, advanced computers and digital entertainment products, as well as advanced heavy machinery used in construction, building and mining.

The company aims to “strengthen innovation, manufacturing and research and development, and localise expertise in the industrial and electronics sectors by developing local talent and enhancing job opportunities”.

Alat is expected to focus on providing sustainable manufacturing solutions for international companies by accessing clean energy resources in Saudi Arabia to reach carbon-neutral goals by 2060, while PIF’s own goal is to be carbon-neutral by 2050.

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Jennifer Aguinaldo
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    Egypt’s policy efforts over the past 12 months reflect a recalibration of the state’s survival strategy amid chronic economic headwinds, security challenges on its borders and a geopolitical landscape of shifting regional alliances and an irresolute US position.

    In response, Cairo is pursuing an increasingly diversified approach to its foreign policy, geared expressly towards economic survival and only minimal geopolitical triage.

    The unifying logic is resilience: preserving economic stability, state authority and external relevance in the face of an increasingly constrained environment of regional instability, negative economic multipliers and shifting global power structures.

    Diplomatic overtures

    At the regional level, Cairo has reinserted itself as a diplomatic actor of consequence, but this activism is best understood as a reaction rather than an expression of regional leadership.

    Cairo’s mediation role in Gaza, particularly following the January 2025 ceasefire, has become the symbolic centrepiece of its foreign policy identity, but its efforts in this area ultimately stem from the conflict’s direct strategic relevance to Egypt.

    By convening an extraordinary Arab summit in March 2025 and advancing its own reconstruction framework, Cairo sought to position itself as a key custodian of Gaza’s next chapter and – more cynically – a potential beneficiary of the post-war process.

    Yet Egypt’s role remains structurally bounded, with Cairo operating less as an agenda-setter than as a facilitator within frameworks principally shaped by US priorities, Israeli security imperatives and Gulf financing.

    In this context, Cairo’s efforts reflect a bid to maintain diplomatic relevance and remain indispensable in a situation where it ultimately lacks decisive influence.

    A similar pragmatic logic shapes Egypt’s posture in the Horn of Africa.

    Faced with the unresolved Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) dispute, Cairo has shifted away from diplomatic and legal confrontation towards alliance-building with Somalia and Eritrea, seeking leverage through regional networks.

    In Sudan, Cairo’s posture reflects a harder security logic. It supports the Sudanese Armed Forces out of a fear – arguably justified – of the outcomes that any further weakening of the central government in Khartoum could bring to Egypt’s borders.

    A fragmented Sudan would threaten not only Egypt’s southern flank, but also its Red Sea trade and Nile water security, compounding its concerns related to the GERD.

    Across the board, the pattern is that Egypt’s engagement is reactive and shaped more by vulnerability and risk aversion than by strategic assertiveness.

    Cairo is therefore an actor that is at once diplomatically present and vocal on regional crises, yet rarely instrumental in shaping events; its diplomacy is structurally constrained by informal allegiances and external dependencies.

    Strategic breadth

    Aside from its broadly cautious posture, Egypt’s foreign policy and domestic economic policy also exhibit deliberate diversification and geopolitical hedging.

    In recent years, Cairo’s fragile position – amid the stymying of Suez Canal revenue flows – has intensified its outreach to diverse political and financial backers, including countries with which it has previously been at odds.

    Although the IMF remains a constant presence in Egypt’s fiscal landscape, the past few years have seen Cairo leverage its relationships with the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkiye to attract billions of dollars in foreign direct investment and financial support.

    The recourse to support from Qatar and Turkiye is particularly notable given Egypt’s diplomatic decoupling from both in 2013 following the ousting of president Mohamed Morsi, whom both countries supported.

    Diplomatic ties with Turkiye were formally severed in 2013, and the relationship worsened in 2014 over Ankara’s support for a rival faction in the Libyan civil war. Cairo then cut ties with Doha in 2017 following the Gulf diplomatic crisis.

    Diplomatic ties with Turkey were formally severed in 2013 and the relationship further worsened in 2014 over Ankara’s support for a rival faction in the Libyan civil war. Cairo then formally cut ties with Doha in 2017 following the Gulf diplomatic crisis.

    These tensions were gradually eased from 2021: the Al-Ula Declaration rehabilitated relations with Qatar, while back-channel engagement with Turkiye led to the restoration of diplomatic relations in 2023.

    In this light, while the UAE’s $35bn in foreign direct investment and the $5bn in support from Saudi Arabia in 2024 align with past politics, the $7.5bn in support from Qatar in 2025 and the $350m defence deal with Turkey in 2026 represent the new.

    Cairo is also rapidly expanding its trade ties with China. By May 2025, 2,800 Chinese companies had invested $8bn in Egypt, according to Egypt’s General Authority for Investment and Free Zones. Total Chinese investments, including state-backed loans and development projects, amount to tens of billions of dollars and have consistently placed China as Egypt’s top trade partner over the past decade.

    Egypt’s accession to Brics in 2024 is a natural corollary of its growing ties with China.

    This contrasts with the $1.3bn in annual US military financing, which is conditional on Egypt purchasing and maintaining US-origin defence equipment and – implicitly – on remaining deferential to US and Israeli security concerns regarding Palestine.

    In late 2025, Egypt also secured a €4bn package from the European Union, in addition to a planned $2.3bn disbursement from its $8bn IMF Extended Fund Facility.

    Turning the corner

    The widening breadth of Cairo’s fiscal and financial backers is making it less reliant on any single source of support. While the IMF’s loans and reform programme underpin overall fiscal stability, Egypt’s outreach is increasingly enabling it to tackle outstanding liabilities.

    For instance, Egypt’s Ministry of Finance announced that 50% of the proceeds from a recent $3.5bn land sale to Qatar would be used to service domestic and external debt.

    The financially extractive aspect of Cairo’s foreign relations also represents a clear avenue of success for President Abdul Fatah Al-Sisi’s government, in sharp contrast with its limited ability to shape the geopolitical environment.

    And in the immediate term, it may be all that Cairo needs.

    With growth rising and inflation dropping, Egypt appears to be in a position to claw itself back from the fiscal cliff that has loomed over it for the past two years.

    That would be a significant achievement. And with domestic fortunes secured, Cairo could perhaps turn its attention outward again – towards projecting influence across the region.

    Image: Doha, Qatar – September 15, 2025: Egypt’s President Abdul Fatah Al-Sisi delivering his statement at the Emergency Arab-Islamic Summit to address the Israeli attack on Qatar


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  • MEED set to turn 69 years old next month

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    Register for MEED’s 14-day trial access 

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    In its early days, MEED was the only comprehensive source of information on the Middle East. Now it is the region’s leading subscription-based online business intelligence service, offering – as it has done done for decades – the latest business news, interspersed with political updates, comment and analysis.

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    “My job was to fill the 100-or-so envelopes of the subscribers and take them to the post office. Many people would pass by on press day to help collate and staple the newsletter,” he recalled.

    Collard, a feisty champion of Arab causes and the driving force behind MEED for its first two decades, had the foresight to realise the potential the Middle East offered to Western business. 

    A noted economic analyst on the developing world, Collard produced MEED from her one-roomed office on a hand-cranked Ronco printing machine, with the help of two part-time secretaries. 

    It is no coincidence that the first edition coincided with International Women’s Day, a fitting occasion for a remarkable woman who, by the late 1960s, was brought in to advise Prime Minister Harold Wilson on Middle East affairs. 

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  • Contract award nears for Abha airport expansion PPP

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    ALSO READ: Saudi Arabia seeks Qassim airport PPP interest

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    READ THE FEBRUARY 2026 MEED BUSINESS REVIEW – click here to view PDF

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    Saudi Arabia’s Civil Aviation Holding Company (Matarat), through the National Centre for Privatisation and PPP (NCP), has issued an expression of interest (EoI) for a tender to develop the Prince Naif Bin Abdulaziz International airport in the Qassim region.

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    The project scope includes the redevelopment of the passenger terminal as well as other associated facilities such as airside infrastructure, including runway, taxiways and aprons.

    The project will be developed on a design, finance, construction, operations, maintenance and transfer basis.

    The latest development follows Matarat Holding and NCP prequalifying five teams to bid for a contract to develop the new Taif international airport project in Mecca province in January.

    According to local media reports, four consortiums and one standalone company have been prequalified to proceed to the next stage of the project.

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    The clients opted for a 30-year build-transfer-operate (BTO) contract model, including the construction period.

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    The Taif, Hail and Qassim airport schemes were previously tendered and awarded as PPP projects using a BTO model.

    Saudi Arabia’s General Authority of Civil Aviation (Gaca) awarded the contracts to develop four airport PPP projects to two separate consortiums in 2017.

    A team of Tukey’s TAV Airports and the local Al-Rajhi Holding Group won the 30-year concession agreement to build, transfer and operate airport passenger terminals in Yanbu, Qassim and Hail.

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