Libya has potential for energy project surge
6 July 2023
MEED's August 2023 report on Libya also includes:
> Libyan pipeline contract awarded
> Libyan oil company in pipeline procurement talks
> Libya’s Waha Oil plans water plant
> Halliburton in talks for $1bn Libya oil project
> Eni signs gas deal in Libya

After a string of major energy project announcements in the country, Libya will likely be on course for a surge in project activity as long as it can maintain political stability and security.
However, the current period of stability is looking increasingly fragile amid threats from the military leader General Khalifa Haftar, who has warned of military action unless oil revenues are divided fairly within the next two months.
Eastern politicians claim the Central Bank distributes the bulk of oil revenues to the rival UN-recognised government based in Tripoli, even though the oil is produced in fields largely based in the east of the country.
The US special envoy to Libya, Richard Norland – eager to keep oil production flowing – had urged the east not to disrupt production.
The heightened political tensions come after a promising period of increased business activity within Libya that many believe could still pave the way for a boom in the country’s energy sector – if conflict can be avoided.
Recent announcements include a partnership between Libya’s National Oil Corporation (NOC) and Italy's Eni to develop two regions containing expected gas reserves of 6 trillion cubic feet.
The upstream Mellitah complex integrated expansion is meanwhile estimated to be worth $8bn. It is anticipated to have a production capacity of 750 million cubic feet a day (cf/d) of gas for a period of 25 years.
The deal between Eni and NPC for the expansion project was announced in January, but in April MEED revealed that the project still needed board approval before tenders for the main contracts could be issued.
It is possible that stakeholders in this project, like many other major projects in the country, are taking their time before finalising the contract to better gauge the political and security environment before they commit to large-scale investment.
Security company licensing system overhauled in Libya
Political instability
Libya has been plagued by frequent outbreaks of conflict for more than a decade since the removal of Muammar Gaddafi during the Arab Spring in 2011.
Since his removal, rival factions have continually vied for power and the country has failed to create a unified government.
At the moment, the country has two rival governments. The Tripoli-based Government of National Unity (GNU) exerts control over territory in the west of the country, and the Tobruk-based House of Representatives controls territory in the east.
Elections planned for 24 December 2021 were expected to unify the country under a single government, but they never occurred and many of the contested issues that derailed the democratic process in 2021 remain unresolved.
Key problematic issues include the eligibility criteria for presidential candidates and how candidates with military affiliations should be treated.
It has been reported that both sides have agreed that candidates with military affiliations must automatically resign from their military posts if they become candidates, but debate remains over whether provisions should be in place to stop them from resuming their positions once the electoral process has concluded.
Additionally, both sides have agreed that dual nationals that want to stand as president should give up the citizenship of the second country, but no mechanism has been decided on to verify compliance.
While it is clear that undisputed elections and the formation of a single unified government are the best-case scenario, it is possible that the country’s business community and energy sector will prosper without this in place.
UK foreign office asked to relax Libya travel advice
Conflict cooldown
Since the June 2020 conclusion of Operation Flood of Dignity, a year-long campaign in which Tobruk-aligned military forces tried to capture Tripoli, Libya has seen a significant improvement in its security situation and an uptick in energy sector activity.
The increase in business activity since then has shown that the country can attract international businesses for multibillion-dollar projects without a single unified government in place.
Other business deals that have been announced include the signing of a contract between NOC and US-based Honeywell for engineering work on the planned South Refinery project in Libya.
The project is expected to be carried out in two phases and is anticipated to cost between $500m and $600m.
Additionally, Libya’s Waha Oil Company is in advanced talks with US-based Halliburton over a $1bn project to rehabilitate the country’s Al-Dhara oil field.
On top of the series of announcements regarding major projects with international companies, there has also been an uptick in small-scale energy project activity, according to contractors active in the country.
All this points to the future looking promising for the country’s energy sector, as long as stability and security can be maintained. However, keeping the peace is unlikely to be easy, given the precarious nature of the political situation.
Sudan situation
The ongoing conflict in Libya’s neighbour, Sudan, has sparked an influx of refugees into Libya and rising uncertainty about future stability.
Analysts have warned that increased arms trafficking could be part of the fallout from the ongoing war in Sudan as control over the country’s arms storage facilities and borders is reduced.
Further flows of arms into the south of Libya could potentially embolden militias in the region and erode security.
Additionally, before the conflict in Sudan, the African Union and Arab League played significant roles in mediating the unresolved issues between Libya’s two rival governments.
Likely, at least some of the resources that would previously have been used to try to strengthen stability in Libya will now have to be used to deal with the escalating crisis in Sudan.
Maintaining peace and finding common ground between Libya’s rival governments is likely to be critical to the future growth of the country’s energy sector and the broader economy.

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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
Signing versus substance
The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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