BP in oil and gas talks across the Middle East
26 November 2024
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UK-headquartered BP is engaged in oil and gas talks with countries across the Middle East as it looks to boost upstream production, according to the company’s chief executive, Murray Auchincloss.
Speaking at a conference in London, he said: “We’re back accessing the Middle East.”
He added: “We’re in advanced conversations in Iraq and we continue to talk to Abu Dhabi, Oman, Kuwait, Iraq – for further opportunities … let’s see how we do in those places.”
Commenting on the country’s potential return to the Kirkuk region in northern Iraq, he said: “I hope we come to an agreement with the nation fairly soon. I would like to see that by the end of February, but let’s see how that goes.
“It’s five domes, 20 billion barrels yet to produce [and] very competitive terms internationally now – and a government that is going to work with you and a much-stabilised security situation as well.”
In August, BP signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the government of Iraq to develop oil fields in the Kirkuk region.
At the time, BP said that it had signed a non-binding agreement to “negotiate a material integrated redevelopment programme for the Kirkuk region”.
It said the scope of work would include oil and gas investment, power generation and solar, and “wider exploration activities”.
Plans in Iraq
The MoU signed for Kirkuk includes the Baba and Avanah domes and three adjacent fields – Bai Hassan, Jambur and Khabbaz – in Federal Iraq, which are operated by Iraq’s North Oil Company (NOC).
In its statement, BP said: “Rehabilitation of existing facilities, where required, and the construction of new facilities – including gas expansion projects – together with a drilling programme at the Kirkuk fields, has the potential to stabilise production and reverse decline, returning production from this nationally important oil field to a growth path.
“The integrated redevelopment programme has the potential to bring opportunity and investment into the Kirkuk region – unlocking future downstream growth while also bringing tangible benefits to the local population, with job creation and local supply requirements.”
In 2020, BP pulled out of Iraq’s giant Kirkuk oil field after its $100m exploration contract expired with no agreement on the field’s expansion, dealing a blow to Iraq’s hopes of increasing its oil output.
The move came as Western energy companies reassessed their operations in Iraq amid political turmoil following months of anti-government protests and a flare-up in tensions between the US and Iran in the country.
The UK-headquartered oil company’s 2013 service contract expired at the end of 2019.
Kirkuk was discovered in 1927 and marks the birthplace of Iraq’s oil industry. BP and Iraq’s Oil Ministry signed the letter of intent to study the development of the field in 2013, with a planned spending of $100m.
BP’s work included a three-dimensional seismic study of the field’s reservoir to expand on the existing 2D data.
BP already has a 50% stake in Iraq’s Rumaila oil field near the southern border with Kuwait, where it has operated for over a century.
Kuwait investments
The London-based company is also considering investing in Kuwaiti fields. In March 2016, BP signed a framework deal with state-owned Kuwait Petroleum Corporation (KPC), paving the way for joint investment and increased cooperation on oil and gas projects.
A statement released by BP at the time said both companies had agreed “to explore possible joint opportunities for investment and cooperation in future oil, gas, trading and petrochemicals ventures”.
The agreement involves collaborating on enhancing oil and gas recovery from Kuwait’s existing resource base.
It includes cooperation on studying opportunities for joint investment in future hydrocarbons exploration both inside Kuwait and globally, as well as possible future trading deals, including trading liquefied natural gas (LNG).
Cooperation on midstream and petrochemicals projects will also be covered by the deal, including potentially deploying BP’s proprietary paraxylene technology as part of KPC’s chemicals schemes.
BP was one of the founders of the original Kuwait Oil Company (KOC), which first discovered oil at Kuwait’s Burgan field in 1938.
In 1992, BP was the first oil company to be invited by the Kuwaiti government to assist in the redevelopment of Kuwait’s oil industry.
BP currently participates in the Greater Burgan field, which accounts for about 50% of Kuwait’s total output.
It participates through an enhanced technical service agreement (ETSA) with KOC, under which it provides support to sustain production, develop capabilities and deploy new technologies.
In 2018, BP signed a five-year technical services agreement with Kuwait Integrated Petroleum Industries Company (Kipic) to develop and implement an operational readiness programme for the Al-Zour refining complex and LNG terminal – some of the largest capital projects in Kuwait.
The oil refining facility reached mechanical completion in 2021. However, several factors prolonged the commissioning phase, including the Covid-19 pandemic and related measures designed to reduce the spread of the virus.
In May this year, Kuwait inaugurated the Al-Zour refinery with a ceremony to mark its completion.
The $2.9bn Al-Zour LNG facility came online in July 2021.
Expansion in Oman
In Oman, production from phase one of Block 61, Khazzan, started in 2017. In October 2020, production from phase two, Ghazeer, started ahead of schedule.
Combined, Khazzan and Ghazeer produce 1.5 billion cubic feet of gas a day and more than 60,000 barrels a day of associated condensate.
BP has been an investor in Abu Dhabi since 1939. It has partnerships in oil and LNG in Abu Dhabi and has a lubricants, aviation fuel and trading businesses that is managed from Dubai.
In Abu Dhabi, BP’s interests include joint-venture partnerships with Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (Adnoc) and shareholdings in Adnoc Onshore (BP’s share is 10%); Adnoc LNG (BP’s share is 10%); and the National Gas Shipping Company (BP’s share is 10%).
Before becoming the CEO of BP, Auchincloss was interim CEO from September 2023 to January 2024 after the sudden resignation of Bernard Looney due to failing to reveal relationships with colleagues.
In October, it was reported that BP had abandoned a target to cut oil and gas output by 2030 as CEO Murray Auchincloss scaled back the firm’s energy transition strategy to regain investor confidence.
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
Signing versus substance
The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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