US elections set to disappoint region
22 January 2024

Donald Trump’s thumping victory in the Republican Party’s Iowa caucus on 15 January – the first of the US presidential election year – suggests the former president will clear the first of three obstacles separating him from four more years in the White House.
Trump’s opponents claim the result means little and other challengers will shine in due course. The Republican Party’s nomination for president and vice-president, which will be confirmed at its national convention in Milwaukee in July, is far from certain.
But that was said in 2016. And we all know what happened next.
A larger obstacle is the 91 felony counts across two state courts and two federal districts, together with a civil suit in New York that could wreck Trump’s businesses. These will come to a head in the middle of the campaign and could influence it.
Lawsuits in some US states that seek to have Trump disqualified from the presidency even if he wins in November will certainly be challenged in the Supreme Court. This is unprecedented and the outcome cannot be confidently forecast.
The final hurdle is winning the presidential vote itself. Opinion polls suggest Trump would beat President Joe Biden, but not by much. More worrying for the Democrats is the slump in Biden’s job approval rating to the lowest for any US president in the past 15 years.
As in 2020, when he lost, Trump is loathed by many American voters. This time, however, Biden is the incumbent and Trump is the challenger. This could make all the difference.
Trump agenda
This spring, the world will have to face up to the prospect that Trump could well be back in 2025. But what could that mean?
Trump’s agenda pivots on appeasing social conservatives while pleasing the middle class with tax cuts and a fiscal policy that keeps the economy humming. The main differences with the Democrats are issues that split Americans across all parties – such as immigration, law and order, abortion and same-sex marriage – with little resonance abroad.
Trump has promised, as he did in 2016, to encourage more fossil fuel production. However, his foreign policy is potentially as consequential as any attempted by a US president in living memory.
In speeches and interviews in recent months, Trump has said he will review Nato’s mission and ask Europe to reimburse the US for almost $200bn-worth of munitions that it has sent to Ukraine. He has said he could end the Ukraine war in 24 hours, though no one knows how.
Trump plans to raise retaliatory tariffs against countries with trade barriers of their own and has floated the idea of a 10 per cent universal tariff. He has called for an end to China’s most-favoured nation status and new restrictions on Chinese ownership of US infrastructure. Trump rarely discusses Taiwan, though he asserts that China would never dare to invade it if he were president.
Other contentious ideas include intensifying the war against Mexican drug cartels by designating them as foreign terrorists and using special forces to attack their leadership and infrastructure inside Mexico. Under his presidency, the US Navy would enforce a blockade and the Alien Enemies Act would be used to deport drug dealers and gang members.
Addressing the new Middle East reality created since the Hamas attacks on 7 October last year is probably beyond America’s capacities, whoever is in the White House
Regional letdown
Trump’s pursuit of the unconventional overseas essentially stops at the Middle East, however. What he will do in office depends upon who he appoints as secretary of state and to his national security team, but there are clues.
Trump has shifted from criticising Israel’s leaders at the start of the war in Gaza to focusing on calls to crush Hamas and penalise Iran further. Even he cannot buck the pro-Israel passion of many US voters.
For Trump, the Arab world begins with Saudi Arabia. His first overseas visit as president in 2017 was to Riyadh, where he met King Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saud and now Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman al-Saud, heir to the Saudi throne. The kingdom was euphoric, and the memory of the early, heady days of the first Trump presidency still resonates.
His first secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, who the Saudi government knew as Exxon chief executive, was quickly sidelined and replaced in 2018 by Mike Pompeo, a pro-Israel hawk.
The Abraham Accords negotiated by Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner fell well short of the kingdom’s long-standing priorities. Riyadh indicated it would follow Bahrain and the UAE into the deal subject to an improbable condition: the creation of a Palestinian state in line with the Arab Peace Initiative approved by the Arab League in 2002.
Trump probably believes the accords and the transfer of the US embassy to Jerusalem is his lasting Middle East policy initiative. It may well be his only one. Addressing the new Middle East reality created since the Hamas attacks on 7 October last year is probably beyond America’s capacities, whoever is in the White House.
Experience shows that hopes of a US presidential election making a major difference in the Middle East have been dashed time and time again.
The last time Saudi Arabia publicly signalled its backing for a candidate was when the kingdom’s then ambassador to the US, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, appeared at a meeting in support of President George H Bush in 1992. This was probably counterproductive. Bill Clinton won that year, in part because of his charge that Bush’s foreign policy was potentially antisemitic.
There are three foundations to the Middle East’s view of the battle for the White House in 2024.
Firstly, there is little that regional powers can do to influence it.
Secondly, whoever wins will invariably default to the prevailing wisdom and doctrine in Washington, which at present is staunchly pro-Israel.
And thirdly, the region’s future is mainly in its own hands. It is this – not who wins or loses in November – that is the more important realisation.
Image: Trump’s first overseas visit as president in 2017 was to Riyadh, where he met King Salman bin Abdulaziz al-Saud. Credit: Official White House Photo/Flickr
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What actually slows a gigaproject down9 September 2026

Ask anyone delivering a major programme in the GCC what causes delays and sequencing will come up early. Utilities go in too late. Approvals lag behind construction. Stations, depots and access roads are procured as if they belong to different projects rather than one system.
“None of this is new. The industry has understood these risks for years,” says Alan Caldwell, managing director for transport and infrastructure at WSP Middle East.
For Caldwell, that is what makes the pattern worth interrogating rather than simply restating.
“The more important question is why the same issues around interfaces, approvals, stakeholder alignment and delivery sequencing continue to slow major programmes when the risks are already so well understood,” he says.
The answer, he argues, is not that these programmes are too big or too technically complex. What breaks a schedule is a wider system delivered as a set of disconnected parts; an approval sitting with an authority team with no visibility of the construction sequence downstream; or a station package proceeding without the utilities diversion it depends on.
“Infrastructure programmes do not struggle because a railway is too large or a highway network is too complex,” Caldwell says. “They encounter difficulties when interconnected elements are delivered in the wrong order.”
Sequencing decisions are rarely purely technical either, he adds. They are commercial – shaped by which assets need to unlock value first, which phases are tied to funding, and where sales or investment assumptions depend on infrastructure landing in a particular order.
Approvals sit at the centre of that logic. On many programmes, they become one of the biggest sources of lost time – not because the requirements are unreasonable, but because approvals are not planned, evidenced or owned as part of the delivery logic from day one.
Caldwell has seen the same pattern across three decades of Gulf delivery, from early work on Palm Jumeirah to today’s region-wide transport programmes.
“The decisive factor has often been the same: whether interfaces, approvals, responsibilities and delivery sequencing are aligned early enough to prevent complexity becoming delay.”
Integration needs to be well understood
“Most programme teams in the region would say they understand the need for integration,” Caldwell says. Fewer are structured to deliver it. “The harder task is turning that understanding into the way projects are actually set up and managed,” he argues.
Riyadh Metro is the reference point he returns to, precisely because engineering complexity was not the deciding factor in its delivery.
Coordinating a city-scale transport system meant aligning design, construction, systems, utilities and stakeholder interfaces across every delivery vertical.
“The lesson for the region today is clear,” Caldwell says. “Ambitious programmes need a delivery model that gives every contributor a shared view of progress, risk, decision-making and the business case driving programme priorities.”
That shared view, he argues, will be what the next phase of Gulf delivery is judged on.
Whether clients, consultants, contractors, operators and approval authorities can work to a single delivery logic will be key.
“This requires more than coordination meetings. It requires integrated ways of working, shared common data environments and governance structures that make risks, decisions and dependencies visible before they become delays,” he says.
From reporting progress to managing risk before it lands
Digital tools have a role here, Caldwell says, but not as a headline in themselves.
Digital twins, programme visualisation and data-led modelling matter only if they help teams identify and address problems before they affect the wider programme.
“The real value is not technology for its own sake,” he says. “It is the ability to see, in one place, where approvals are outstanding, where interfaces are unresolved, where programme dates are slipping, where clashes are emerging and where decisions need to be escalated."
None of it works without governance behind it, he cautions. “A dashboard will not resolve a delayed approval if nobody knows who owns the decision, when it needs to be made, or how it should be escalated.”
Data only has value if the processes and responsibilities around it are clear, which is why Caldwell frames the shift the region needs not as digitisation, but as a move “from programme management as a discipline focused mainly on reporting and coordination, and towards project and programme intelligence”.
With many of the region’s programmes running for a decade or more, he adds, delivery models also need to flex as funding assumptions, user needs and policy priorities change along the way.
“The ambition behind the Gulf’s transformation programmes is not in question,” Caldwell says.
What will determine how much of it is realised on time is whether delivery models evolve at the same pace: earlier integration, clearer approval pathways, shared data environments, and every contributor working to a delivery logic that connects technical sequencing with the funding and operational case behind it.
“The region’s next challenge is not imagining bigger projects,” he says. “It is changing the way they are delivered, operated and adapted over time.”
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Jordan tenders advisory for wastewater treatment plant9 September 2026
The Water Authority Jordan (WAJ) has issued an invitation to prequalify for advisory services for the rehabilitation and expansion of the Shallala wastewater treatment plant in Irbid, northern Jordan.
The Shallala plant was commissioned in 2013 with a design capacity of about 14,000 cubic metres a day (cm/d).
The rehabilitation and expansion project will increase its treatment capacity to about 30,500 cm/d to meet projected wastewater flows through 2050.
The PIU Support and Construction Supervision Consultancy Services tender was released on 19 August.
The submission deadline is 21 September.
The consultancy will support the project implementation unit and provide construction supervision services for the project. The project has an estimated value of $69m and is being financed by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
The planned works include rehabilitating the existing activated sludge and treatment units and constructing a new treatment train.
The scope also includes installing biogas combined heat and power units, improving sludge handling and dewatering systems, and installing odour control and chemical containment systems.
WAJ is also undertaking the upgrade and expansion of the Ain Ghazal wastewater treatment plant in Amman.
The existing facility had a capacity of 330,000 cm/d and is being upgraded to 726,712 cm/d to accept and treat expected incoming flows until 2045.
The local Arab Towers Contracting Company was appointed as the main contractor for the project last year.
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Medina’s KEC signs real estate project development deal9 September 2026
Medina’s Knowledge Economic City (KEC) has signed an agreement with Riyadh-based Kaden Investment Company to develop a mixed-use project in Medina.
The project will have an estimated gross floor area of about 230,000 square metres (sq m).
According to a statement filed by KEC with the Saudi Exchange (Tadawul), the project – called Multaqa Al-Madinah 2 – will be built on a 92,000 sq m plot located directly north of the first phase of the Multaqa Al-Madinah development.
It is expected to include about 1,527 residential units across three residential zones, along with commercial and office space totalling about 31,108 sq m of net leasable area.
It will also feature parking, recreational and service facilities, landscaping and other supporting infrastructure.
KEC and Kaden intend to deliver the project through a closed-ended real estate investment fund regulated by Saudi Arabia’s Capital Market Authority.
Under the proposed structure, KEC will contribute the land as an in-kind contribution and hold 75% of the fund units, while Kaden will contribute cash and hold the remaining 25%.
Kaden will also serve as the development manager.
KEC said the land has been initially valued at about SR692.3m ($184.6m), while the total equity required for the project is estimated at around SR833m.
Once final agreements are signed, KEC expects to receive SR67.7m in cash and fund units valued at approximately SR624.6m.
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Morocco signs agreement for synthetic fuel complex9 September 2026
Switzerland-based Synhelion has signed an agreement with the Government of Morocco with the aim of developing a large-scale commercial synthetic fuel plant in the country’s southern Tan-Tan province.
The memorandum of understanding (MoU) relates to a facility with the capacity to produce 100,000 tonnes a year of fuel, according to a statement released by the company.
Synhelion has secured land for the project site and established a subsidiary in Morocco to develop the fuel complex.
Gianluca Ambrosetti, one of Synhelion’s co-chief executives, said: “Morocco’s exceptional renewable energy resources and its clear industrial strategy make it an ideal location for scaling our synthetic fuel technology.
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Iraq solar package on track to come online in December9 September 2026

The 1,000MW solar photovoltaic project in Artawi – also called Ratawi – in southern Iraq is on track for its second phase to come online on 8 December, according to industry sources.
This phase has a capacity of 250MW and will bring the project’s total online capacity to 500MW.
The first phase of the project, also with a capacity of 250MW, came online in March this year.
The third and fourth phases, each with a capacity of 250MW, are expected to be brought online next year.
The solar project is part of the broader Gas Growth Integrated Project (GGIP), which has an estimated total value of $27bn and a first phase worth an estimated $10bn.
The solar project’s ownership differs from the headline GGIP ownership structure, with its ownership equally divided between France’s TotalEnergies and QatarEnergy.
The wider GGIP consortium includes TotalEnergies, Iraq’s Basra Oil Company and QatarEnergy, which hold stakes of 45%, 30% and 25%, respectively.
China Energy Engineering Corporation is part of a consortium that is executing the main engineering, procurement and construction contract for the project.
It announced that the first 250MW of capacity had been connected to the grid on 4 March this year.
The consortium also includes China Energy Engineering Group Tianjin Electric Power Construction Company and Chengdu-headquartered Southwest Electric Power Design Institute Company.
The project scope includes:
- Construction of a substation
- Installation of a 132kV booster station
- Installation of solar panels
- Installation of transformers
- Laying of transmission lines
- Construction of related infrastructure
In February 2025, Basra Investment Commission director Alaa Abdul Hussein said the solar plant had an estimated total value of $820m.
The GGIP programme is focused on developing four major projects in Iraq:
- The Common Seawater Supply Project (CSSP)
- The Ratawi gas processing complex
- The 1GW solar power project for Iraq’s electricity ministry
- A field development project at Ratawi, known as the Associated Gas Upstream Project (AGUP)
All four of these projects are currently under execution, though there have been some delays related to the regional war that started when the US and Israel attacked Iran on 28 February.
The conflict has caused significant disruption to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, which Iraq uses to export crude oil and import equipment and materials for projects.
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