meed-logo

line1 line2 line3
SIGN IN / REGISTER

UAE food producers struggle with global challenges

29 November 2022

Local food and beverage (F&B) producers in the UAE say the sector is being severely constrained by rising input costs and unprecedented challenges caused by the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

The impact of the war, which began in February this year, has reverberated across the globe, creating uncertainty and insecurity in global food supply chains. 

The food industry is among the vital focus industrial sectors of the UAE’s Ministry of Industry & Advanced Technology’s (MoIAT) Operation 300bn plan, not only to enhance its contribution to GDP but also to support long-term food security and self-sufficiency by facilitating local production.

Food security strategy

For industry stakeholders gathered at the MEED-Mashreq Manufacturing Business Leaders Forum, the Covid-19 crisis and conflict in Ukraine have only further underlined the importance of pursuing a food security strategy.

“The UAE F&B industry has more than 550 manufacturing units and employs more than 80,000 workers with a value of production of over AED35bn and exports of more than AED15bn,” said Ahmed Bayoumi, CEO of Global Food Industries (GFI) and board member of the UAE Food & Beverage Manufacturers Group.

“The Ministry of Climate Change and the Ministry of Industry are jointly spearheading efforts to increase the domestic supply of food products and to make the UAE one of the most food-secure countries in the world,” explained Bayoumi. 

“The two strategies, food security and Operation 300bn, both have many programmes to support the industry. We also really appreciate the new free trade agreements and the building of new trade routes with India, Indonesia and Israel.”

Import dependence

The UAE and other Gulf nations – considered food-secure due to their economic and political stability – have not faced food shortages since the pandemic outbreak. But food security and limiting vulnerability to import disruptions remains a key strategic long-term goal for the UAE government, as it lacks control over its sources.

GCC countries, including the UAE, typically import nearly 85 per cent of their food.

Compounding the situation is the harsh climate, with the expansion of local food production limited due to the scarcity of natural resources such as water and arable land.

According to the World Resources Institute, the Middle East and North Africa is the most water-stressed region globally, with the World Bank forecasting that the region will experience the highest economic losses from climate-related water scarcity compared with other global regions, at about six to 14 per cent of their GDP by 2050.

Conflict stress

Closed-off access to the lower-priced Black Sea grain since the outbreak of the war has induced commodity shortages and exacerbated inflationary pressures for purchasers already struggling with still fragile pandemic-disrupted supply chains, high import costs and spikes in energy costs.

“Because of the Ukraine war, sunflower oil and flour prices are up by almost 60 per cent,” a local food manufacturer said during the forum.

“Additionally, the Indian government has banned wheat exports from India. This has created an increase in commodity prices in the local market. It directly impacts me because almost all my products use wheat. Wheat flour is 60 per cent of my raw material.” 

The challenge, he said, is further compounded because commodity suppliers have been demanding advance payments as they capitalise on the shortages. 

But in the credit-driven UAE market, manufacturers are still bound by 90 to 120-day payment cycles.

“At the same time, I am restricted from increasing my prices,” the manufacturer said. “It is not healthy for the industry. There must be some intervention from the ministry to address this.”

Almost 99 per cent of food products in the UAE are no longer regulated in terms of pricing. This is due to the dialogue between the Ministry of Economy and the industry – credit where credit is due

Ahmed Bayoumi, Global Food Industries

Countering inflation

Inflation has risen to historic levels in many markets worldwide, significantly impacting consumers and businesses. 

In the UAE, the IMF forecasted that inflation will be at 5.2 per cent this year.

One local manufacturer at the forum said businesses have “no other way” to protect their finances and margins than to raise the prices of their goods.

“The government does not like to disturb consumers with price increases, but this is a very big challenge for manufacturers,” he said. “If manufacturers don’t increase prices, they will lose money.”

A 2022 Grant Thornton survey of 5,000 mid-market businesses across 28 countries, including the UAE, revealed that 87 per cent of businesses in the UAE have opted to pass the cost of surging inflation to consumers in a bid to protect their margins by increasing their prices, “at the same level or above our cost increases”.

According to the study, businesses have seen increases of 18 per cent in their energy and utility bills, 17 per cent in raw materials costs and 14 per cent in salaries or staff compensation. Businesses also saw a 16 per cent increase in outgoings related to equipment, as well as bank, interest and taxes.

The UAE government typically caps prices of staple food items to keep inflation in check and ensure shopping remains affordable for families. In April 2022, however, the Ministry of Economy said it was monitoring 300 frequently bought essential food items to identify products whose prices could be raised in line with rising import costs, subject to approvals.

“Almost 99 per cent of food products in the UAE are no longer regulated in terms of pricing,” said GFI’s Bayoumi. “This is due to the dialogue between the Ministry of Economy and the industry – credit where credit is due.

“There are only some basic staples that are regulated, and this was a major breakthrough after almost 20 years of everything being regulated.”

Achieving self-sufficiency

The long-term vision of the UAE’s food security strategy is to achieve self-sufficiency, creating an optimum balance between domestic production and securing food production channels overseas.

Ongoing challenges, however, are impacting the speed with which this vision can be achieved. 

“Producers who perhaps enjoy more subsidies or, due to currency fluctuations, can access the UAE market at low cost. This tends to come at the cost of demand for local manufacturers,” said Bayoumi.

The strong dollar, meanwhile, has been a “double-edged sword”.

“On the one side, it helps you with your imports from everywhere in the world. So, imports are cheaper in terms of raw materials or equipment. But, on the other hand, in terms of exports, nations using the Euro, for example, are screaming that they can’t buy our product anymore because they have appreciated by 20 per cent.”

“I think the UAE has to think to have some kind of ownership of lands abroad,” a manufacturer at the forum said. “This might open a big door for the UAE. That will secure our raw materials in terms of availability and prices.”

The UAE is already taking steps in this area, with efforts spearheaded by its investment vehicles. 

In 2020, Abu Dhabi’s International Holdings Company (IHC) said it would invest over $225m to develop and cultivate over 100,000 acres of farmland in Sudan to help secure high-quality agricultural output. 

Earlier this year, Abu Dhabi holding company ADQ bought a majority stake in Cyprus-headquartered agriculture company Unifrutti. The firm produces, trades and distributes more than 100 varieties of fresh produce, and sells 560,000 tonnes of fresh fruit a year. It has 14,000 hectares of farms across four continents and customers in 50 countries.

ADQ previously acquired a 45 per cent stake in French firm Louis Dreyfus, and has stakes in local companies, including fresh produce and agri-tech group Silal; forage and agribusiness group Al-Dhahra Holding; and food and beverage group Agthia.

Equal opportunities

Bayoumi noted that overall, demand within the UAE is recovering “very strongly” after the pandemic.

“Especially with visitor numbers growing, we see market demand growing, and we anticipate that this growth will continue going forward,” he said. 

“But also, competition is intensifying. More players are seeing the Gulf as one of the most attractive markets globally over the next three to five years, more players are coming into the market, and more players are vying for a piece of the cake.”

Medium-sized enterprises are at a further disadvantage when compared to regional giants.

“One of the things being discussed and under study is how medium-sized enterprises can be provided with access to centres of excellence that would pool resources in areas such as research and technology, which an individual entity might not be able to afford otherwise. That would make them more competitive over the long term versus the big players,” he said.

“The concentration of retail power also needs to be addressed. In the past, there were thousands of places to sell your product and hardly pay anything. Now two or three major retailers have 50 to 60 per cent of the market. They impose demands and if you do not comply, you could end up delisted or chucked off shelves.”

By Megha Merani

https://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/10391937/main.gif
MEED Editorial

Register for MEED's guest program now to access this article.

Click here to register
Exclusive from Meed
Related Articles
  • Abu Dhabi mends fences with Riyadh

    9 October 2026

     

    Ongoing political turmoil in the region may be prompting Abu Dhabi to review its approach to key diplomatic issues, not least its relations with its larger neighbour, Saudi Arabia.

    In late September, UAE Vice-President Sheikh Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan travelled to Riyadh for talks with Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman and Defence Minister Prince Khalid Bin Salman. Such visits may have been commonplace in the past, but over the past year they have been relatively rare, given the friction between the two Gulf powers over issues such as the conflict zones of Yemen and Sudan, relations with Israel and economic rivalry.

    At the start of the year, the UAE retreated from Yemen under pressure from Riyadh, after the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council made rapid territorial gains at the expense of Saudi-backed groups and advanced close to the kingdom’s southern border.

    Since then, against the backdrop of the Iran war, relations have shown further signs of strain, with cross-border financial transactions reportedly being blocked or delayed.

    However, there have been intermittent attempts to present a more collegial relationship, such as in July, when a photo emerged on social media of Sheikh Mansour and Prince Khalid posing with their arms around each other, reportedly while on holiday in Europe.

    Yemen dynamics

    Gains by another group in Yemen may lie behind the latest rapprochement between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. The visit by Sheikh Mansour on 29 September came in the wake of significant advances by the Houthis, who had recently captured Mokha port and strategically significant areas of land overlooking the Bab El-Mandeb Strait – heightening their ability to menace passing ships.

    Saudi Arabia has been leaning on its allies – particularly Pakistan and Turkiye – to support its campaign against the Houthis. It is unclear whether the UAE would be willing to get involved militarily in Yemen again, or whether Riyadh would be happy for it to do so, but it could still be a useful ally in the fight. Analysts have noted that UAE-backed forces have, over the years, had a far greater record than anyone else of scoring battleground victories against the Houthis.

    It is also notable that Mansour’s delegation to Riyadh included several senior security officials, including Ali Bin Hammad Al-Shamsi, secretary general of the Supreme Council for National Security; Ali Saeed Matar Al-Neyadi, chairman of the National Emergency, Crisis and Disaster Management Authority; and Nasser Humaid Al-Nuaimi, secretary general of the Tawazun Council for Defence Enablement.

    The visit was a surprise, given the GCC states’ lack of unified action this year amid the crises in Yemen and Iran. Speaking at an event in Washington in mid-September, Bernard Haykel, professor of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University, noted that: “Despite the fact that [the GCC states] all face a common threat in Iran and its proxies, you still don’t see real coordination between them. You still have these differences between the Saudis and the UAE, for instance; you have differences between the Qataris and the UAE. If anything would have united them, this would be it. And you don’t see that kind of unity.”

    Writing for the Arab Gulf States Institute in early October, Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, a Baker Institute fellow for the Middle East at Rice University, said Mansour’s visit to Riyadh in late September was “likely meant to signal that the thaw [in bilateral relations] was real” and “designed to enable a more coordinated approach to managing the forces ranged against the Houthis in southern and central Yemen”.

    Further signs of warming ties came on 8 October, when UAE Investment Minister Mohamed Hassan Alsuwaidi signed a memorandum of understanding with Saudi Industry and Mineral Resources Minister Prince Abdulaziz Bin Salman covering power grid interconnections, trade in electricity and freight rail connectivity.

    On the same day, the Saudi ambassador to the UAE invited President Sheikh Mohamed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan to attend a GCC-EU Summit in Saudi Arabia later in the month.

    Sheikh Mansour was not the only senior Emirati on diplomatic manoeuvres in recent weeks. The day after the vice-president was in Riyadh, national security adviser Sheikh Tahnoun Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan was in Muscat for talks with Sultan Haitham Bin Tariq Al-Said.

    Oman is a critical partner for the UAE in several areas. Omani ports have provided a trade lifeline for Emirati importers and exporters at a time when ports in Dubai and Abu Dhabi have been sidelined by Iran’s threats against shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. Muscat’s approach of maintaining dialogue with all actors means it is also able to mediate with both Iran and Yemen’s Houthis.

    Strategic independence

    The flurry of diplomatic activity may be a sign of closer coordination between the UAE and its neighbours on some critical issues, but that does not necessarily herald a sea change in its approach.

    Speaking at the UN General Assembly in New York on 28 September, Minister of State Khalifa Shaheen Al-Marar reviewed the crises in Iran, Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine and elsewhere and said “the importance of developing and reforming regional and international multilateral institutions … remains paramount” – but while he name-checked the UN, he did not mention the GCC.

    It is also notable that the UAE has not yet joined either of the two security initiatives launched by Saudi Arabia during the summer: a maritime defence alliance designed to protect shipping in the Red Sea, or a mutual defence pact that Riyadh signed with Turkiye and Pakistan.

    In his speech to the UN, Al-Marar listed what he saw as the main pillars of the UAE’s national strength: “strategic independence” was the first item in his list.

    https://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/20435670/main.gif
    Dominic Dudley
  • Abu Dhabi mends fences with Riyadh

    9 October 2026

     

    Ongoing political turmoil in the region may be prompting Abu Dhabi to review its approach to key diplomatic issues, not least its relations with its larger neighbour, Saudi Arabia.

    In late September, UAE Vice-President Sheikh Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan travelled to Riyadh for talks with Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman and Defence Minister Prince Khalid Bin Salman. Such visits may have been commonplace in the past, but over the past year they have been relatively rare, given the friction between the two Gulf powers over issues such as the conflict zones of Yemen and Sudan, relations with Israel and economic rivalry.

    At the start of the year, the UAE retreated from Yemen under pressure from Riyadh, after the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council made rapid territorial gains at the expense of Saudi-backed groups and advanced close to the kingdom’s southern border.

    Since then, against the backdrop of the Iran war, relations have shown further signs of strain, with cross-border financial transactions reportedly being blocked or delayed.

    However, there have been intermittent attempts to present a more collegial relationship, such as in July, when a photo emerged on social media of Sheikh Mansour and Prince Khalid posing with their arms around each other, reportedly while on holiday in Europe.

    Yemen dynamics

    Gains by another group in Yemen may lie behind the latest rapprochement between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. The visit by Sheikh Mansour on 29 September came in the wake of significant advances by the Houthis, who had recently captured Mokha port and strategically significant areas of land overlooking the Bab El-Mandeb Strait – heightening their ability to menace passing ships.

    Saudi Arabia has been leaning on its allies – particularly Pakistan and Turkiye – to support its campaign against the Houthis. It is unclear whether the UAE would be willing to get involved militarily in Yemen again, or whether Riyadh would be happy for it to do so, but it could still be a useful ally in the fight. Analysts have noted that UAE-backed forces have, over the years, had a far greater record than anyone else of scoring battleground victories against the Houthis.

    It is also notable that Mansour’s delegation to Riyadh included several senior security officials, including Ali Bin Hammad Al-Shamsi, secretary general of the Supreme Council for National Security; Ali Saeed Matar Al-Neyadi, chairman of the National Emergency, Crisis and Disaster Management Authority; and Nasser Humaid Al-Nuaimi, secretary general of the Tawazun Council for Defence Enablement.

    The visit was a surprise, given the GCC states’ lack of unified action this year amid the crises in Yemen and Iran. Speaking at an event in Washington in mid-September, Bernard Haykel, professor of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University, noted that: “Despite the fact that [the GCC states] all face a common threat in Iran and its proxies, you still don’t see real coordination between them. You still have these differences between the Saudis and the UAE, for instance; you have differences between the Qataris and the UAE. If anything would have united them, this would be it. And you don’t see that kind of unity.”

    Writing for the Arab Gulf States Institute in early October, Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, a Baker Institute fellow for the Middle East at Rice University, said Mansour’s visit to Riyadh in late September was “likely meant to signal that the thaw [in bilateral relations] was real” and “designed to enable a more coordinated approach to managing the forces ranged against the Houthis in southern and central Yemen”.

    Further signs of warming ties came on 8 October, when UAE Investment Minister Mohamed Hassan Alsuwaidi signed a memorandum of understanding with Saudi Industry and Mineral Resources Minister Prince Abdulaziz Bin Salman covering power grid interconnections, trade in electricity and freight rail connectivity.

    On the same day, the Saudi ambassador to the UAE invited President Sheikh Mohamed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan to attend a GCC-EU Summit in Saudi Arabia later in the month.

    Sheikh Mansour was not the only senior Emirati on diplomatic manoeuvres in recent weeks. The day after the vice-president was in Riyadh, national security adviser Sheikh Tahnoun Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan was in Muscat for talks with Sultan Haitham Bin Tariq Al-Said.

    Oman is a critical partner for the UAE in several areas. Omani ports have provided a trade lifeline for Emirati importers and exporters at a time when ports in Dubai and Abu Dhabi have been sidelined by Iran’s threats against shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. Muscat’s approach of maintaining dialogue with all actors means it is also able to mediate with both Iran and Yemen’s Houthis.

    Strategic independence

    The flurry of diplomatic activity may be a sign of closer coordination between the UAE and its neighbours on some critical issues, but that does not necessarily herald a sea change in its approach.

    Speaking at the UN General Assembly in New York on 28 September, Minister of State Khalifa Shaheen Al-Marar reviewed the crises in Iran, Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine and elsewhere and said “the importance of developing and reforming regional and international multilateral institutions … remains paramount” – but while he name-checked the UN, he did not mention the GCC.

    It is also notable that the UAE has not yet joined either of the two security initiatives launched by Saudi Arabia during the summer: a maritime defence alliance designed to protect shipping in the Red Sea, or a mutual defence pact that Riyadh signed with Turkiye and Pakistan.

    In his speech to the UN, Al-Marar listed what he saw as the main pillars of the UAE’s national strength: “strategic independence” was the first item in his list.

    https://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/20432716/main.gif
    Dominic Dudley
  • Adnoc secures Thailand LNG supply deal

    9 October 2026

    Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (Adnoc) has secured a deal with Thailand-based energy and infrastructure company Gulf Group to supply 2 million tonnes a year of liquefied natural gas (LNG), with deliveries starting in 2027.

    The multi-year sale and purchase agreement (SPA), whose exact duration Adnoc did not disclose, builds on an initial LNG supply deal agreed between the two companies last year. The transaction was arranged through Adnoc’s integrated LNG marketing and trading platform, which was established in July within Abu Dhabi Global Market.

    The hub integrates the marketing operations of Adnoc subsidiaries Adnoc Gas and XRG with the trading activities of Adnoc Trading. It targets a combined portfolio of 47 million t/y of marketable LNG by 2035. Adnoc Trading has developed an active third-party trading portfolio over the past four years, operating from commercial offices in Abu Dhabi, Singapore and Geneva.

    ALSO READ: Adnoc signs energy agreements with Japan and South Korea

    Separately, Adnoc has secured offtake commitments covering approximately 90% of the 9.6 million-t/y capacity planned for its low-carbon Ruwais LNG project.

    In July, Adnoc signed a 15-year SPA with Japan’s Inpex Corporation for the supply of up to 1 million t/y from Ruwais. That contract marked Adnoc’s third long-term Ruwais supply agreement with a Japanese buyer, following deals with Osaka Gas and Mitsui & Co in March and April 2025, respectively. Together, the agreements with the three Japanese firms account for 2.4 million t/y – one-quarter of the terminal’s total capacity, which will be delivered across two 4.8 million-t/y liquefaction trains.

    Adnoc has also secured long-term Ruwais LNG supply agreements with Malaysia’s Petronas, Germany’s EnBW Energie Baden-Wurttemberg and SEFE (Securing Energy for Europe), China’s ENN Natural Gas, UK-based Shell and Indian Oil Corporation.

    Currently under construction in Ruwais Industrial City, Abu Dhabi, the facility is scheduled to begin commercial operations in 2028. Its commissioning will more than double Adnoc’s LNG production capacity to approximately 15 million t/y.

    https://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/20421415/main4048.jpg
    Indrajit Sen
  • Fibrex wins $217m Abu Dhabi Seamont residences contract

    9 October 2026

    Register for MEED’s 14-day trial access 

    Abu Dhabi-based contractor Fibrex Construction Group has won an AED800m ($217m) contract to build the Seamont Autograph Collection Residences project, located on Al-Reem Island in the UAE capital.

    Abu Dhabi-based real estate developer Royal Development Holding, a subsidiary of Emirates Stallion Group, and local firm Saas Properties awarded the contract.

    The development comprises two 22-storey towers offering 497 residences, ranging from one- to four-bedroom apartments.

    The construction programme is scheduled to run for 27 months, with completion due in December 2028.

    Fibrex will begin mobilisation immediately, following the completion of enabling works this month, which were undertaken by Sharjah-based Swiss Pro Foundations.

    Dubai-based architectural firm Dewan Architects & Engineers is the project consultant.

    The contract marks another major win for the contractor. Last year, Dubai-based developer Nakheel awarded Fibrex a AED2.6bn ($708m) contract to build the Bay Villas project at Dubai Islands.

    That contract includes the construction of 636 villas.

    READ THE OCTOBER 2026 MEED BUSINESS REVIEW – click here to view PDF

    Industry and logistics drive development at Neom; Saudi Arabia’s investment priorities realign amid conflict; MEED’s 2026 power developer ranking.

    Distributed to senior decision-makers in the region and around the world, the October 2026 edition of MEED Business Review includes:
    To see previous issues of MEED Business Review, please click here
    https://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/20420509/main.jpg
    Yasir Iqbal
  • Dubai picks contractor for Al-Maktoum airport terminal

    9 October 2026

     

    Dubai Aviation Engineering Projects (DAEP) has selected a contractor for an estimated AED10bn ($2.7bn) substructure package for the West Terminal, as part of the first phase of the $35bn expansion of Al-Maktoum International airport.

    A joint venture of Beijing-headquartered China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC) and Abu Dhabi-based Tristar Engineering & Construction will execute the contract.

    According to a description on DAEP’s website, the expanded airport’s West Terminal will be a seven-level facility spanning 800,000 square metres, with annual capacity for 45 million passengers.

    The terminal will be the second of three planned terminals at Al-Maktoum International airport. It will connect to the airside via a 14-station automated people-mover (APM) system.

    In July, MEED exclusively reported that DAEP had awarded an estimated $1.5bn contract to a joint venture of Japan’s Mitsubishi Corporation and Indian contractor Larsen & Toubro for the APM system.

    The APM will run beneath the apron and terminal areas, using multiple tracks to transport passengers between terminals and concourses. Four underground stations are planned in the first phase, while the full airport development is expected to include 14 stations.

    The latest awards form part of a wider programme of contracts recently signed by DAEP, covering enabling works, the second runway, initial structural foundations for passenger terminals and concourse substructures.

    Upcoming awards

    In June 2026, DAEP said it will award construction contracts worth over AED55bn ($15bn) for Al-Maktoum International airport by the end of the year.

    At the time, DAEP said the planned awards included substructure works for the West Terminal, the fourth aircraft concourse and the baggage-handling system. The programme also included superstructure works for the West Terminal and the first, second and third aircraft concourses.

    The packages are expected to include long-span structural frameworks for buildings covering about 1.5 million square metres, infrastructure works for the southern airfield area, and power-generation and district-cooling plants supporting the construction programme.

    DAEP also plans to award façade and roofing packages in 2026.

    The Dubai Government approved updated designs and timelines for its largest construction project in April 2024. In September 2024, MEED exclusively reported that a team comprising Austria’s Coop Himmelb(l)au and Lebanon’s Dar Al-Handasah had been confirmed as lead masterplanning and design consultants for the Al-Maktoum International airport expansion.

    Construction of the airport is planned in three phases. Once complete, the airport will cover 70 square kilometres south of Dubai and include five parallel runways and 430 aircraft gates.

    It will be five times the size of Dubai International airport and is planned to have a passenger-handling capacity of 260 million passengers a year – the largest in the world. For cargo, it is planned to have the capacity to handle 12 million tonnes a year.

    READ THE OCTOBER 2026 MEED BUSINESS REVIEW – click here to view PDF

    Industry and logistics drive development at Neom; Saudi Arabia’s investment priorities realign amid conflict; MEED’s 2026 power developer ranking.

    Distributed to senior decision-makers in the region and around the world, the October 2026 edition of MEED Business Review includes:
    To see previous issues of MEED Business Review, please click here
    https://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/20417755/main.jpg
    Yasir Iqbal