Trump 2.0 targets technology
30 January 2025

As Donald Trump settles into his second term, dubbed ‘Trump 2.0’, the administration is set to bring about a seismic shift in global technology, artificial intelligence (AI) regulation, data sovereignty, cryptocurrency and the ever-escalating US-China tech war.
The central role that technology is expected to play was demonstrated at Trump’s inauguration on 20 January, where Tesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg, Alphabet Inc CEO Sundar Pichai and Amazon founder Jeff Bezos had prime seats.
With Trump championing policies prioritising domestic interests and reshaping international dynamics, Middle Eastern investors and companies will play a key role in shaping this new era of tech-infused geopolitics.
The wheels are already turning. On 22 January, just two days after Trump’s inauguration, he announced that Abu Dhabi- based AI-focused fund MGX has teamed up with US-based tech firms Oracle and ChatGPT creator OpenAI, and Japan’s Softbank, to form the Stargate project, which aims to invest $500bn to build AI infrastructure in the US.
When announcing the project, Trump described it as “the largest AI infrastructure project by far in history”.
America first
Two weeks earlier, on 7 January, Hussain Sajwani, founder and chairman of UAE-based Damac Properties and Damac Group, made headlines by pledging $20bn to develop data centres in the US.
Sajwani’s $20bn commitment to US data centres is not just a business transaction – it demonstrates the UAE’s strategic pivot to align with Trump’s America First policy. Unlike the real estate deals offered by Sajwani that Trump publicly declined in 2017, the latest investment offer places resources directly into the US, promising jobs, innovation and a fortified tech infrastructure in states including Texas, Ohio and Michigan.
For MGX, Sajwani and other Gulf investors, the deal offers not only financial returns but also political capital in an administration that values loyalty and mutual economic benefit.
The timing is also strategic: as Trump prepares to loosen regulatory constraints on AI and data, Gulf nations have the opportunity to tap into US expertise while positioning themselves as indispensable partners in the rapidly shifting tech landscape.
Tech wars
Geographically and politically, the Middle East – particularly the GCC states – sits in the middle of the simmering tech war between China and the US, which may boil over during the Trump presidency.
The decoupling of the two economies is expected to continue, with Trump reinforcing policies that discourage US companies from engaging with Chinese firms.
Policies could involve stricter foreign investment vetting and expanded technology transfer restrictions to China. The Trump administration has also threatened to impose high tariffs on Chinese goods, which could disrupt the established ties between US and Chinese tech industries.
The ongoing tensions could lead to a bifurcation of global supply chains, with significant implications for companies operating in both markets.
For Middle Eastern countries, this decoupling offers a rare window of opportunity. As the US and China distance from one another, GCC players can position themselves as neutral ground for technology partnerships. The region could bridge the two worlds by attracting global firms to invest in regional tech hubs that offer a haven for talent and innovation.
Trump’s America First policies are also expected to accelerate the development of the US semiconductor sector, a critical component of the tech war. While this could disrupt global supply chains, it may also create demand for GCC investments in US tech manufacturing and research facilities, further deepening economic ties.
Another transformative area of Trump’s second term will be his approach to AI.
On 13 January, just days before Trump took office, the White House issued a brief of a regulation by the Department of Commerce imposing controls on the exports of advanced computing integrated circuits that support AI.
The regulation’s final draft divides countries into three tiers. Chip exports to the top-tier countries, comprising 18 of the closest US allies, are “without limit”, while the third tier is reported to comprise countries of concern, including Macau (China) and Russia.
All other nations and states, including those in the GCC, are presumed to be mid-tier countries, where a cap of approximately 50,000 graphics processing units between 2025 and 2027, will apply.
Individual companies from these countries will be able to achieve higher computing capability if they comply with US regulations and obtain validated end-user status.
The White House brief is no longer available online, but a copy of the regulation can still be found in the Federal Register, the US government’s daily journal.
Middle Eastern investors and companies will [help shape] this new era of tech-infused geopolitics
Deregulation likely
The regulation-heavy approach of former president Joe Biden’s administration will likely give way to a deregulatory environment, emphasising commercial innovation over antitrust crackdowns.
For GCC countries such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, this presents a double-edged sword. Both nations have ambitious AI investment plans – Abu Dhabi’s MGX partnership with BlackRock and Microsoft aims to mobilise $100bn for AI infrastructure, while Riyadh’s Project Transcendence seeks to redefine the region’s technological footprint. Trump’s deregulatory policies could catalyse innovation and partnerships with US firms, offering access to cutting-edge AI solutions.
The emphasis on deregulation may also create challenges. Without robust ethical and safety guidelines, the global AI ecosystem could face reputational risks, making cross-border collaborations more complex. For the GCC, balancing the benefits of US technological advancements with the need for ethical AI development will be a delicate dance.
As geopolitical tensions rise, the effects of Trump’s focus on data sovereignty will reach far beyond US borders. Nations increasingly prioritise data protection, creating stricter regulations to control where and how data is stored, and the GCC, with its ambitious AI and data centre projects, must adapt swiftly to these changes.
The outlook for developing energy-hungry data centres in the US could be further bolstered by plans to deregulate the energy industry.
“If energy deregulation is unleashed, the biggest beneficiaries of Trump’s energy policies could be in data centre buildout, with implications for US leadership in AI, both in next-generation technologies and economic dominance over the coming generation,” according to a report by GlobalData’s TS Lombard.
For Middle Eastern businesses, Trump’s policies could mean stricter requirements when working with US tech firms. Data from US companies and citizens may need to be stored domestically, complicating cross-border operations.
However, this also presents an opportunity for the GCC states to bolster their data sovereignty frameworks, attracting investments from companies seeking alternatives to US or Chinese infrastructure.
The unexpected should be expected, and the future belongs to those who adapt the fastest
Backing Bitcoin
Cryptocurrency is another major opportunity for the GCC.
Trump’s surprising endorsement of Bitcoin – the price of which recently surged past $75,000 – signals a potential shift in US crypto policy. A more favourable regulatory environment under Trump could drive mainstream adoption of cryptocurrencies, attracting investors and innovators alike.
As regional players such as the UAE have been pioneers in blockchain technology, this could catalyse further growth.
Dubai’s Blockchain Strategy 2025, aimed at positioning the emirate as a global blockchain hub, aligns well with Trump’s pro-Bitcoin stance. By collaborating with US firms and leveraging blockchain’s potential for financial and governmental applications, the GCC could cement its position as a leader in the cryptocurrency space.
As his backing of Bitcoin demonstrates, Trump’s position on tech issues is hard to predict. This was reinforced when he issued an executive order allowing social media application TikTok to resume services to its 170 million users in the US.
On 18 January, the Chinese-owned app stopped working in the US after a law banning it on national security grounds came into effect. Trump had previously supported plans to ban the app.
For business and government alike, the message is clear: the unexpected should be expected, and the future belongs to those who adapt the fastest.
As Trump reshapes the global tech landscape, GCC investors like Sajwani are well positioned to capitalise on the changes. The US-China decoupling, AI deregulation and a focus on data sovereignty create openings for Middle Eastern nations to assert themselves as key players in the global tech economy.
Challenges remain. Trump’s America First policies could lead to tighter restrictions on foreign investments, requiring Gulf investors to navigate a more complex regulatory environment. Additionally, the potential talent drain to the US, driven by Trump’s prioritisation of domestic commercial interests, could slow the region’s AI ambitions.
To stay competitive, GCC nations will need to double down on their investments in education, infrastructure and innovation. By fostering homegrown talent and creating favourable conditions for international partnerships, the region can mitigate the risks of Trump’s policies while reaping the rewards.
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> PROJECTS: Another bumper year for Mena projects
> GIGAPROJECTS INDEX: Gigaproject spending finds a level
> INFRASTRUCTURE: Dubai focuses on infrastructure
> US POLITICS: Donald Trump’s win presages shake-up of global politics
> REGIONAL ALLIANCES: Middle East’s evolving alliances continue to shift
> DOWNSTREAM: Regional downstream sector prepares for consolidation
> CONSTRUCTION: Bigger is better for construction
> TRANSPORT: Transport projects driven by key trends
> PROJECTS: Gulf projects index continues ascension
> CONTRACTS: Mena projects market set to break records in 2024
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Exclusive from Meed
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AHS Properties acquires Shangri-La hotel for $300m17 June 2026
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UAE moves to clear the path for recovery17 June 2026
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Libya signs three oil deals after licensing round17 June 2026
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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Diriyah awards $727m Waldorf Astoria superblock deal17 June 2026

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Diriyah Company Group CEO Jerry Inzerillo said: “We are delighted to announce this latest major construction contract for the Waldorf Astoria superblock as we continue to progress at pace across the Diriyah development area. The Waldorf Astoria will be a world-class addition to our growing portfolio of globally renowned hospitality brands, further strengthening Diriyah’s appeal as a globally significant destination that offers world-class hospitality and lifestyle experiences.
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Hassan Allam, chairman and CEO of Hassan Allam Holding, said: “We are proud to support the development of one of the kingdom’s most ambitious and transformative destinations and to continue our partnership with Diriyah Company in bringing its vision to life.
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The Pendry superblock includes the construction of the Pendry Hotel alongside residential and commercial assets. The package will cover 75,365 square metres and is located in the northwestern district of the DG2 area.
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AHS Properties acquires Shangri-La hotel for $300m17 June 2026
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UAE moves to clear the path for recovery17 June 2026
Commentary
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EditorMore than three months after the conflict began to disrupt business across the Gulf, the UAE is moving to resolve the technical challenges that the economy faces as it shifts towards recovery.
The insurance gap has been a key obstacle to the recovery of aviation and tourism. Several countries continue to maintain advisories against travel to the Gulf, making it difficult or impossible for visitors to obtain conventional cover for trips to or through the region. The concern is twofold: one, becoming stranded should hostilities resume, and two, not being able to secure medical insurance. Both Emirates and Etihad have now moved to address that directly, offering insurance to passengers flying to or through their respective home hubs. The Etihad scheme, backed by DCT Abu Dhabi and underwritten by Daman, will run from July to December and covers eligible visitors for up to 15 days.
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Libya signs three oil deals after licensing round17 June 2026
Libya’s National Oil Corporation (NOC) has signed three production-sharing agreements with several international energy companies following the country’s first licensing round in nearly two decades.
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The three contracts were signed on 15 June.
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
Signing versus substance
The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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