Risks remain for GCC railway project
28 August 2023

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When the GCC secretariat agreed to restart the GCC Railway Project in 2021, it set the tone for one of the region’s most ambitious transnational projects.
The endeavour aims to connect the six Gulf nations with a sprawling railway network that will be a game-changer for the region’s infrastructure. The potential to boost trade, connectivity and regional economic development is enormous.
But risks and challenges also lie ahead, including cost overruns and technical risks related to the project design, engineering and complexity that must be assessed, managed and monitored to ensure the project’s successful delivery.
Political risks
Political factors play a significant role in the development and operation of the GCC railway. Given that the network will traverse multiple geographies, one of its biggest tests is manoeuvring through the regional political landscape.
First and foremost among political considerations is the level of cooperation and diplomatic relations between the member states. The railway’s seamless operation relies on harmonised regulations, standard operating procedures and open communication between nations, as well as geopolitical stability.
In this respect, the Al-Alu agreement of 2021 is key, as it laid the strong foundations for a more robust mechanism to ensure better cooperation between the GCC countries.
“The Qatar blockade was a big challenge to manage and the GCC countries have seen the consequences of the situation,” Alexandre Busson (right), director of rail, Hill International, tells MEED.
“They realised that there was no benefit in it for the region. So the Al-Ula declaration is really important.”
But while the agreement mitigates the political risk related to the GCC railway project to some extent, the potential for geopolitical tensions or disputes between the involved states remains and could impede the project’s progress by delaying decisions, complicating negotiations and disrupting work.
The GCC countries' wide-ranging economic interests and priorities could also impact their commitment to the railway project. Member states will need to consider their existing investments in other forms of transportation infrastructure, such as ports and highways. Balancing these interests requires careful negotiations and alignment of economic visions.
PPP contracts are more complex to negotiate and manage. But it [will be] very interesting to see how it goes because a successful PPP project could lead to the opening up of the market
Alexandre Busson, Hill International
Financial risks
The enormity of the GCC Railway Project becomes apparent when considering the huge costs involved. Laying tracks spanning six countries and crossing diverse terrains and urban areas, building stations, installing signalling systems and ensuring the safety of the network demands billions of dollars’ worth of investment.
With the financial stability of GCC nations closely tied to the global oil market, fluctuations in oil prices could significantly impact the ability and political will of governments to allocate funds to the GCC Railway Project.
“When GCC countries budget for infrastructure projects, they are very conservative with regards to the oil price in their budget,” says Busson. “And in terms of projects financing, they realise [the need] to diversify the economy and not be too dependent on oil prices.”
Nevertheless, economic diversification plans mean each GCC nation faces its own set of budget constraints and priorities. Regional governments must juggle allocating limited funds to sectors such as healthcare, education, defence and infrastructure. The GCC Railway Project’s financial demands could strain these budgets, potentially diverting resources away from critical sectors.
To bridge the financial gap, governments are likely to explore a combination of public financing and private investment. Public-private partnerships (PPPs) have attracted interest from large-scale infrastructure projects in the region and the GCC railway will be no different. Luring private investors, however, requires a stable and attractive investment environment, coupled with clear revenue-generation models and risk-sharing agreements.
“The PPP model is quite new in the GCC. Even more so in transport,” says Busson. “Those kinds of contracts are more complex to negotiate and manage. But it [will be] very interesting to see how it goes because a successful PPP project could lead to the opening up of the market.”
You need to look at the consortium members and say, do we have the right balance within that particular consortium to be able to manage this project
Christopher Harding, Hill International
Technical risks
The technical risks of rail systems running across international borders are well documented. Examples include the Tan-Zam railway between Tanzania and Zambia and the rail link connecting Spain and France, where the adoption of different gauges meant construction was fraught with technical difficulties when joining the networks to each other.
“Inaccurate or complex specifications sometimes lead to extra efforts [needing] to be put into the interface management and getting interface agreements between the contractors,” explains Christopher Harding (right), a senior project management professional currently working on the Cairo Metro project for US-based consultant Hill International.
“That leads to claims from contractors and hence may lead to cost overruns.”
The complexity of the GCC Railway Project raises the stakes when it comes to technical risks. Meticulous planning and implementation will be required to ensure seamless connectivity across deserts, mountains and coastal areas, while the need for bridges, tunnels and viaducts to overcome geographical obstacles demands robust engineering solutions.
Addressing these engineering risks requires a comprehensive understanding of the local environment, as well as innovative and consistent engineering techniques.
“There needs to be a common policy on the control systems for each country and how they talk to each other,” says Harding.
The involvement of multiple contractors will bring contractor-related risks too. Coordination between these entities will be key, as delays in one segment could cascade through the entire network, causing misalignments and operational bottlenecks.
“You need to look at the consortium members and say, do we have the right balance within that particular consortium to be able to manage this project,” says Harding.
Another significant challenge will be maintaining uniform quality standards across the contractors working on the GCC Railway Project to prevent differing construction techniques, materials and safety practices from potentially compromising the railway’s overall integrity and efficiency.
“The rules around aspects like recruitment localisation, In-country Value (ICV), In-Kingdom Total Value Add (IKTVA) and regional headquarters requirement could be a challenge for new companies,” adds Busson.
The establishment of the GCC Railway Authority to oversee the overall implementation of the project will go some way towards resolving the technical issues outlined here. The authority is tasked with ensuring common standards and specifications, and supervising the railway’s interoperability and regional integration.
For the project to succeed, the authority must develop robust risk management strategies, effective communication channels among contractors, stringent quality control measures and transparent procurement processes.
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Political leaders in Tel Aviv are justifying the operation on the grounds of eliminating Hezbollah – a far‑fetched goal against a dispersed guerrilla organisation, as with Hamas in Gaza – while ignoring overtures from Lebanon’s leadership for a ceasefire.
The recently formed Lebanese government, meanwhile, continues to look impotent: unable to secure its territory from Israeli incursions or Hezbollah activity, and unable to deliver on promises of stability, reform, IMF funding and reconstruction.
Echoes of the past
The overarching shape of Israel’s military campaign is ominously familiar, echoing the 1978, 1982, 1985 and 2006 Israeli invasions of southern Lebanon – all entailing creeping encroachment without strategic resolution.
Since fighting resumed on 2 March 2026, Israeli forces have gradually pushed north, crossing north of the Litani for the first time since the 2006 Lebanon war and seizing Beaufort Castle above Nabatieh on 31 May.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has framed the goal as establishing a “security zone” – the same term and concept Israel used to justify the occupation of a roughly 800-square-kilometre belt of southern Lebanon from 1985 to 2000.
That occupation was a debacle for Israel’s military and ended in unilateral withdrawal.
Israeli analysts are already drawing the modern parallels as the cost of holding ground in southern Lebanon rises, driven by Hezbollah’s deployment of cheap fibre‑optic first‑person‑view (FPV) drones that inflict a steady drip of Israeli casualties and losses.
As with Russia in Ukraine, Tel Aviv is being tactically embarrassed by the advent of these fibre‑optic drones, which are immune to jamming and – of particular concern to Israeli forces – are too small to be reliably detected and intercepted by conventional counter‑drone systems.
This leap in Hezbollah’s operational threat – based on cheap technology that can be locally assembled – has sharply raised the price of maintaining a military presence in the country.
In an attempt to exact a retaliatory price, Israel’s air strikes rose by 110% between 19-22 May and 23-26 May as Hezbollah’s drone successes accumulated, according to conflict monitor Acled. But the underlying tactical dilemma remains.
Israeli politicians, irate at the situation, have demanded escalation and intensified strikes on civilian areas, including in Beirut – only to face US pushback.
Tehran as the lever
Planned strikes on Beirut, including on 3 June, have been held off in recent weeks under pressure from Washington after Tehran made Lebanon a bargaining chip in its wider negotiations with the US, repeatedly suspending talks following Israeli escalation in the Levant country.
Tehran has also gone further than walkouts, warning it could respond directly if Israel strikes Beirut – adding an explicit threat of retaliation to diplomatic pressure.
With a Gulf ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz both riding on the outcome, Washington is strongly motivated to keep Israel from striking Beirut.
In this way, Iran is one of the few powers wielding any leverage over Israel’s actions in Lebanon – even if that leverage is a source of discomfort for Lebanon’s leaders, for whom Tehran’s clout contrasts starkly with their own lack of influence.
That protection nevertheless remains narrowly tied to the Lebanese capital, with Washington turning a blind eye to Israel’s ongoing destruction of civilian infrastructure in Lebanon’s south.
Within the border belt that Tel Aviv has dubbed the “yellow line” – amounting to about 7% of Lebanese territory – Israeli forces have accelerated the demolition of villages since the April truce and barred residents from returning.
More than a million people, overwhelmingly Shia from the south and the Bekaa, have been displaced since March, and UN human-rights experts have pointed to the blanket evacuation orders and levelling of housing as mirroring Israel’s conduct in Gaza.
The Lebanese state remains trapped in inaction, partially of its own making. Beirut was initially close to indifferent to renewed strikes on Hezbollah, whose unilateral re-entry into the war it had condemned for endangering the state.
But as the strikes have shifted methodically towards civilian areas, Beirut’s restraint satisfies no one: the domestic audience wants protection, while Israel and the US want decisive Lebanese army action against Hezbollah.
Yet the Lebanese army – still adhering in spirit to the November 2024 ceasefire framework and loath to move seriously against Hezbollah for fear of stoking civil war – has remained aloof from the conflict.
Parliament speaker Nabih Berri, who is close to Hezbollah and maintains dialogue with the group, says it would honour a genuine ceasefire if only Washington could deliver one.
But repeated attempts to shore up the ceasefire have remained conditional on the Lebanese army stepping up to rein in Hezbollah, while failing to guarantee an end to Israel’s destruction of civilian structures in areas it is occupying.
On 3 June, a fourth round of US‑mediated trilateral talks produced a fresh ceasefire announcement, hailed in Washington as a step towards comprehensive peace.
Yet its conditions – a complete halt to Hezbollah fire, the group’s withdrawal south of the Litani and Lebanese army control of undefined “pilot zones”– merely reiterate past failed protocols. The declaration was unsigned by Hezbollah and unenforceable by Beirut.
Within hours, Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem rejected the declaration, stating that any ceasefire must cover the south and begin with Israeli withdrawal, not Hezbollah’s.
Both Israeli strikes and Hezbollah attacks have continued since the ostensible deal.
Recovery on hold
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The World Bank’s November 2024 assessment – covering only the previous round of fighting, before the March resumption – placed the economic cost at $14bn and recovery needs at $11bn, figures that the current war is now inflating by the day.
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Morocco tenders Falit dam project5 June 2026
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Morocco dam infrastructure
The Figuig region is also home to the Kheng Grou dam project, which is designed to have a storage capacity of 1.07 billion cubic metres.
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Kuwait prepares to tender refinery project deal5 June 2026
State-owned downstream operator Kuwait National Petroleum Company (KNPC) has announced that it is preparing to tender a contract to develop a gauging system for a tank farm at the Mina Al-Ahmadi refinery.
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Kuwait’s oil and gas sector has been severely disrupted by the ongoing regional conflict, which has led to a dramatic drop in crude exports via the Strait of Hormuz.
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