Syria makes progress towards reunification
24 April 2025
Following the ousting of Bashar Al-Assad in late 2024, President Ahmed Al-Sharaa has rapidly consolidated power in Syria. He has transitioned from a militant and political outsider into a credible leader increasingly recognised in the region and on the world stage.
Within Syria, Al-Sharaa faces political, economic, military and civil challenges in pulling the country back together again. In recent weeks, a prominent focus has been the reunification of Syria’s fractured security landscape through the negotiated dissolution and integration of smaller rebel factions into a centralised military structure under the Ministry of Defence.
Rebel disbandment
Most recently, the new government brokered the dissolution of the Eighth Brigade, a 3,000-strong rebel group based in the southern city of Daraa that had waged an insurgency against the government of Bashar Al-Assad since 2018.
That outcome proved a relief to the government after its trustworthiness in talks was thrown into doubt by the chaos that erupted in Syria’s coastal region on 6 March as Islamist groups committed massacres against Alawite civilians in revenge over attacks by Assad loyalists.
On 9 March, Al-Sharaa appointed a committee to report on the violence, determine its perpetrators and theoretically hold them to account. That move caused some murmurings within his own ranks, but externally it showed the president’s commitment, in principle, to justice.
It also appeared to serve the political imperatives of the moment. Just a day later, on 10 March, the reassured Kurdish- led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) – representing tens of thousands of trained soldiers – signed a deal to integrate its forces into the national army.
The deal marked perhaps the most significant step towards national reunification so far, promising to restore to government control a swathe of northeastern Syria and its oil fields that has been largely lost to Damascus since the 2014 invasion by the Islamic State.
The integration of the SDF into the national military also appears to have been accepted by the US, which had been supporting the SDF military as an independent force in the northeast of the country, but has now announced the planned staggered withdrawal of its stationed troops.
Al-Sharaa has been making his rounds of the region in a diplomatic blitz aimed at shoring up regional support for his new government
Broader priorities
Alongside reconsolidating and restructuring the country’s military and security apparatus, Al-Sharaa’s main priorities are foreign affairs and economic policy. These two areas go hand in hand, given that removing international sanctions is key to reviving Syria’s economy.
In late March, Al-Sharaa entrenched his authority by enacting a new constitutional declaration, announcing a new transitional government and granting himself sweeping executive powers, including the right to appoint a third of the legislature and select judges for the constitutional court.
The cabinet was also broadened and reshuffled to address concerns over the lack of representation from minority communities. Individuals from the Alawite, Druze and Christian communities, as well as one woman, were appointed to ministerial positions.
The move further witnessed the replacement of the formerly appointed justice minister Shadi Al-Waisi, whose elevation embarrassed the government after 2015 videos surfaced of him presiding over street executions by morality police as part of the then Nusra Front. His removal was another reassuring step for observers that the government is attuned and reactive to constructive criticism.
With the right signals sent, Al-Sharaa has been making his rounds of the region in a diplomatic blitz aimed at shoring up regional support for his new government. He is likely also aiming to put the right words in the right ears, in the hope that they filter through the Gulf’s power lobbying system to the US.
Already on 30 January, just a day after Al-Sharaa became president, Qatar’s Emir Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al-Thani flew to greet the man who displaced Al-Assad – a goal also long pursued by Doha. On 2 February, Al-Sharaa then took his first trip abroad to meet Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
Some other regional governments have been more reticent to launch into renewed relations, but have increasingly come on board.
This includes Iraq, which, hesitant over Al-Sharaa’s past militant activity against Baghdad, only arranged a meeting between the Syrian president and Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani on 17 April in Doha – ultimately driven by shared security imperatives. Al-Sudani also invited Al-Sharaa to attend the upcoming Arab summit in Baghdad in May.
On 14 April, the equally green Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam also met with Al-Sharaa in Damascus – no doubt keen to address the recent border clashes between the two countries. A day earlier, Al-Sharaa was in Abu Dhabi to meet Sheikh Mohamed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, rounding out his visits to the key power brokers and budget holders in the Gulf.
Between all of these meetings, Al-Sharaa appears to have ingratiated himself with the region’s other leaders with remarkable rapidity and ease. A year after the Arab League reaccepted him in May 2023, Al-Assad had made little comparable progress.
For world leaders weary from years of dithering by Al-Assad’s government, which was unable or unwilling to even acquiesce to the Gulf’s most basic request – to stem the flow of the drug captagon from within Syria’s borders – Al-Sharaa is at least a partner who can do that and achieve far more besides.
For years, it has been the case that a reunified Syria and a rebuilt Syrian economy would lift the entire Levant region and any Gulf investors with it. The appetite in the region to see it succeed has been there. All that has been missing is a suitable partner in Damascus to move forward with.
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Nearly a decade after the official end of the Islamic State conflict, Iraq’s reconstruction gap remains substantial. Estimates put the shortfall at about $88bn, reflecting the long tail of damage to housing, utilities, public buildings and transport links. Southern and central regions dominate the live pipeline, largely because they sit close to Iraq’s oil heartlands. Basra, in particular, is pivotal, anchoring major upstream activity and vital export infrastructure.
At the policy level, Iraq Vision 2030 signals a long-term ambition to diversify into tourism, agriculture, industry and digital transformation. The government’s immediate delivery vehicle is the National Development Plan (NDP) 2024-28, which commits more than $17bn a year in capital expenditure and prioritises energy, transport, housing and water infrastructure. This shift is reinforced by Iraq’s Green Growth Framework (2026), indicating that future procurement may place greater weight on efficiency, emissions reduction and climate resilience.
Macro risk
Despite policy ambition, the most immediate determinant of Iraq’s fiscal room is the oil price. A $10-a-barrel drop can reduce government revenue by an estimated $7bn-$9bn annually. Such sensitivity matters because infrastructure spending is still largely funded by the public purse. Oil price swings affect project awards, payment cycles and the government’s willingness to assume up-front capex obligations.
Iraq’s execution environment continues to be defined by bureaucratic delays, unclear land titles and opaque procurement processes. These factors can add 12-24 months to average delivery timelines. Nevertheless, there are signs of adaptation. PPP legislation is advancing, and developer-led models are gaining traction in large housing programmes. Furthermore, there is a growing reliance on international project management consultancy (PMC) firms—such as Hill International, Worley, and AtkinsRealis—to bridge capacity gaps and improve governance, cost control and scheduling.
Hydrocarbon driver
Oil and gas upstream remains the single largest driver of capital expenditure. Major developments, including the Gas Growth Integrated Project (GGIP) and Mansouriya, sit alongside a push to reduce gas flaring and expand downstream processing. The objective is to sustain export revenues while improving domestic fuel availability.
The power sector is even more urgent. Iraq faces an estimated 8-10GW generation shortfall, which keeps electricity supply at the centre of political risk. This gap is driving rapid procurement of generation capacity and grid upgrade contracts. Beyond traditional infrastructure, Iraq is also moving on digital adoption. Smart city pilots and fibre rollouts are attracting regional technology investors, while AI-enabled data centre projects are beginning to emerge.
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Foreign direct investment (FDI) remains below $3bn a year, a low figure relative to market size. The most active investors outside the oil sector include the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. To convert interest into deals, the National Investment Commission (NIC) is pursuing streamlined licensing and investor-protection reforms. A “one-stop shop” approach has reportedly reduced registration timelines for foreign investors from months to weeks in key sectors.
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Conflict premium
The latest escalation involving the US and Israel with Iran has increased Iraq’s security risk premium. This is inflating materials costs and disrupting supply chains near eastern border zones. Even where projects are far from conflict areas, contractors are pricing in higher contingency for logistics and insurance. Iraq must also balance deep economic ties with Iran—particularly in energy—with Western investor expectations and sanctions-related compliance.
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Retal to develop project in Oman’s Sultan Haitham City
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Qiddiya seeks firms for light rail transit system
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RCRC awards $1bn Sheikh Jaber Al-Sabah Road contract
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Saudi Arabia’s Royal Commission for Riyadh City (RCRC) has awarded an estimated SR5bn ($1.3bn) contract for the construction of the Sheikh Jaber Al-Sabah Road project in Riyadh.
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Aecom to supervise Dubai Loop construction
11 May 2026
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US-based Aecom has been selected for a contract to undertake design review and construction supervision services for the Dubai Loop transportation system.
The contract was tendered by Dubai’s Roads & Transport Authority (RTA), which signed a construction agreement with Elon Musk-backed firm The Boring Company.
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Next phase
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The LVCC Loop has been in operation since 2021. It uses Tesla Model 3 cars to carry passengers between five stations. The Boring Company began construction in November 2019 at an estimated cost of $49m.
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