Saudi lenders gear up for corporate growth
13 March 2024
MEED's April 2024 special report on Saudi Arabia includes:
> GVT & ECONOMY: Saudi Arabia seeks diversification amid regional tensions
> UPSTREAM: Aramco spending drawdown to jolt oil projects
> DOWNSTREAM: Master Gas System spending stimulates Saudi downstream sector
> POWER: Riyadh to sustain power spending
> WATER: Growth inevitable for the Saudi water sector
> CONSTRUCTION: Saudi gigaprojects propel construction sector
> TRANSPORT: Saudi Arabia’s transport sector offers prospects

As Saudi Arabia’s once rapacious mortgage market slows down, lenders in the kingdom are building up their corporate loan books.
Banks’ exposure to the retail market is steadily reducing as the growth of the mortgage market – the big driver of credit growth in recent years – abates. Saudi lenders reported mortgage lending growth of 8% in the first nine months of 2023, compared to 19% in September 2022.
And where once the split between new business booked by Saudi banks was weighted 60:40 on retail and corporate, the split in 2023 was 50:50.
“We have noticed a decrease in Casa (current account and savings accounts). It used to be almost 70% a couple of years ago, but now it is close to 50%, and it means that the cost of funding is growing too,” says Anton Lopatin, senior director, financial institutions at Fitch Ratings.
Changing landscape
One component of this is the moderation of mortgage financing on the back of tightening subsidies and higher interest rates. “In general, the affordability of mortgage financing is less now and we see banks switching their focus to corporate lending. There’s a bit of reshuffling going on and we think that about 60% of the financing growth in 2024 will be from the corporate sector,” says Lopatin.
While Saudi Arabia's Vison 2030 projects have yet make little impact on local banks’ loan books, the expectation is that this will change, and that major economic diversification initiatives will yield good business for Saudi banks.
In the meantime, these lenders must deal with some near-term challenges in 2024, notably higher liquidity – a contrast to the situation in 2022, when financing growth of 14% outpaced deposit growth at 9%, and higher interest rates intensified competition for funding, according to Fitch Ratings. Data from the Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (Sama) shows that the kingdom’s money supply surged 10% in January 2024 to reach SR2.72tn ($726bn).
That growth was primarily driven by a significant rise in banks’ term and savings accounts, which recorded a rise of 31% to reach SR864.32bn ($230.4bn). These deposits have attracted savings looking for higher yields.
Government reallocation
Another trend has been that government-related entities (GREs) have made moves to increase deposits in the banking system. According to Fitch, liquidity has been supported by increased deposit inflows from GREs, which grew by SAR147bn ($39.2) or 23% in the 12 months to the end of October 2023. Another ratings agency, S&P, noted that the contribution of government and GRE deposits increased to 30% of the total by 2023 from almost 20% in 2020.
According to Fitch, these inflows are mainly term deposits, which are an expensive source of funding for banks. This increase, plus higher competition for funding, has significantly raised the average cost of funding for Saudi banks; it rose to 2.7% in the first nine months of 2023, compared to just 0.4% in 2021.
“There’s been a change in how the Saudi authorities are managing GRE liquidity,” says Lopatin, who notes that GREs are now choosing to invest their surplus liquidity in higher income-generating deposits with commercial banks, rather than with Sama.
“Since July last year, we’ve seen a significant increase in government-related deposits in the banking sector. And we understand they have adjusted this approach, and now the government entities directly deposit with banks, instead of using the central bank as an additional chain into distribution of liquidity. That is also more efficient.”
Challenging conditions
Banking conditions in Saudi Arabia are looking more challenging in 2024 than in previous years. As Fitch notes, Saudi banks on average saw financing growth slightly above 10% for 2023, and the expectation is that growth will also be about 10% in 2024 – below the expansion of 14% seen in 2022.
Some banks that used to have stronger net margins have reported declines because of the focus on mortgage financing –which is under fixed rates in the kingdom – in conjunction with an increased cost of funding on the back of a declining proportion of Casa accounts. For example, Al Rajhi Banking & Investment Corporation reported that funding costs increased by 74% in year-on-year terms in 2023.
“Al Rajhi’s margins were under pressure last year but are now roughly in line with the sector average of 3.2%,” says Lopatin.
In general, UAE banks reported stronger margins than Saudi banks in 2023, says Lopatin. This is because, in combination with tightening liquidity, Saudi lenders have less ability to manage their margins.
Corporate lending in the kingdom will likely receive a boost from Vision 2030 projects.
“We expect more Vision 2030-related financing to appear on banks’ books this year. It’s still not very material, but most banks want to participate as they see these projects as having a decent balance between risk and reward,” says Lopatin.
Rating agency S&P has said that Saudi banks will need stronger access to international capital to sustain growth and continue financing projects related to Vision 2030. For now, the dependence of Saudi banks on external funding is limited.
Over the long-term, if Saudi banks do build more external debt, that could pose another challenge. International investors now have sustainability at the centre of their investment mandates, and local lenders will also need to look more seriously at their own sustainability metrics.
For example, last year, a panel of UN-appointed human rights specialists was reported to have sent letters to Saudi Aramco and financiers including Citi, Goldman Sachs and BNP Paribas, noting that their financing of the state energy company may be in violation of global human rights rules due to the company’s contribution to climate change. The letter urged the banks to take reasonable steps to prevent or mitigate the impact.
If Saudi banks do become major lenders to Vision 2030 schemes, and therefore need to source funds from outside the kingdom, they too will have to acclimatise to the new global reality – even if that is not a pressing requirement right now.
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Lebanon is being held in economic and political limbo by Israel’s open-ended offensive in the south, which has killed more than 3,500 people since March and is characterised by strategic objectives that offer no clear end in sight.
Political leaders in Tel Aviv are justifying the operation on the grounds of eliminating Hezbollah – a far‑fetched goal against a dispersed guerrilla organisation, as with Hamas in Gaza – while ignoring overtures from Lebanon’s leadership for a ceasefire.
The recently formed Lebanese government, meanwhile, continues to look impotent: unable to secure its territory from Israeli incursions or Hezbollah activity, and unable to deliver on promises of stability, reform, IMF funding and reconstruction.
Echoes of the past
The overarching shape of Israel’s military campaign is ominously familiar, echoing the 1978, 1982, 1985 and 2006 Israeli invasions of southern Lebanon – all entailing creeping encroachment without strategic resolution.
Since fighting resumed on 2 March 2026, Israeli forces have gradually pushed north, crossing north of the Litani for the first time since the 2006 Lebanon war and seizing Beaufort Castle above Nabatieh on 31 May.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has framed the goal as establishing a “security zone” – the same term and concept Israel used to justify the occupation of a roughly 800-square-kilometre belt of southern Lebanon from 1985 to 2000.
That occupation was a debacle for Israel’s military and ended in unilateral withdrawal.
Israeli analysts are already drawing the modern parallels as the cost of holding ground in southern Lebanon rises, driven by Hezbollah’s deployment of cheap fibre‑optic first‑person‑view (FPV) drones that inflict a steady drip of Israeli casualties and losses.
As with Russia in Ukraine, Tel Aviv is being tactically embarrassed by the advent of these fibre‑optic drones, which are immune to jamming and – of particular concern to Israeli forces – are too small to be reliably detected and intercepted by conventional counter‑drone systems.
This leap in Hezbollah’s operational threat – based on cheap technology that can be locally assembled – has sharply raised the price of maintaining a military presence in the country.
In an attempt to exact a retaliatory price, Israel’s air strikes rose by 110% between 19-22 May and 23-26 May as Hezbollah’s drone successes accumulated, according to conflict monitor Acled. But the underlying tactical dilemma remains.
Israeli politicians, irate at the situation, have demanded escalation and intensified strikes on civilian areas, including in Beirut – only to face US pushback.
Tehran as the lever
Planned strikes on Beirut, including on 3 June, have been held off in recent weeks under pressure from Washington after Tehran made Lebanon a bargaining chip in its wider negotiations with the US, repeatedly suspending talks following Israeli escalation in the Levant country.
Tehran has also gone further than walkouts, warning it could respond directly if Israel strikes Beirut – adding an explicit threat of retaliation to diplomatic pressure.
With a Gulf ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz both riding on the outcome, Washington is strongly motivated to keep Israel from striking Beirut.
In this way, Iran is one of the few powers wielding any leverage over Israel’s actions in Lebanon – even if that leverage is a source of discomfort for Lebanon’s leaders, for whom Tehran’s clout contrasts starkly with their own lack of influence.
That protection nevertheless remains narrowly tied to the Lebanese capital, with Washington turning a blind eye to Israel’s ongoing destruction of civilian infrastructure in Lebanon’s south.
Within the border belt that Tel Aviv has dubbed the “yellow line” – amounting to about 7% of Lebanese territory – Israeli forces have accelerated the demolition of villages since the April truce and barred residents from returning.
More than a million people, overwhelmingly Shia from the south and the Bekaa, have been displaced since March, and UN human-rights experts have pointed to the blanket evacuation orders and levelling of housing as mirroring Israel’s conduct in Gaza.
The Lebanese state remains trapped in inaction, partially of its own making. Beirut was initially close to indifferent to renewed strikes on Hezbollah, whose unilateral re-entry into the war it had condemned for endangering the state.
But as the strikes have shifted methodically towards civilian areas, Beirut’s restraint satisfies no one: the domestic audience wants protection, while Israel and the US want decisive Lebanese army action against Hezbollah.
Yet the Lebanese army – still adhering in spirit to the November 2024 ceasefire framework and loath to move seriously against Hezbollah for fear of stoking civil war – has remained aloof from the conflict.
Parliament speaker Nabih Berri, who is close to Hezbollah and maintains dialogue with the group, says it would honour a genuine ceasefire if only Washington could deliver one.
But repeated attempts to shore up the ceasefire have remained conditional on the Lebanese army stepping up to rein in Hezbollah, while failing to guarantee an end to Israel’s destruction of civilian structures in areas it is occupying.
On 3 June, a fourth round of US‑mediated trilateral talks produced a fresh ceasefire announcement, hailed in Washington as a step towards comprehensive peace.
Yet its conditions – a complete halt to Hezbollah fire, the group’s withdrawal south of the Litani and Lebanese army control of undefined “pilot zones”– merely reiterate past failed protocols. The declaration was unsigned by Hezbollah and unenforceable by Beirut.
Within hours, Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem rejected the declaration, stating that any ceasefire must cover the south and begin with Israeli withdrawal, not Hezbollah’s.
Both Israeli strikes and Hezbollah attacks have continued since the ostensible deal.
Recovery on hold
The economic cost to Lebanon, meanwhile, compounds by the day. The country entered 2026 already in crisis: cumulative GDP down close to 40% since 2019, the pound down 98%, public debt at 150% of GDP, and reserves as low as $11bn as of June 2025.
The government of President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam staked its credibility on a long‑deadlocked IMF programme finally unlocking external support. The war has upended this, driving away investment and delaying reform.
The World Bank’s November 2024 assessment – covering only the previous round of fighting, before the March resumption – placed the economic cost at $14bn and recovery needs at $11bn, figures that the current war is now inflating by the day.
Lebanon’s Bank Audi has warned of zero growth this year if the war continues, versus a pre‑escalation projection of reconstruction‑led recovery. Tourism, historically a fifth of the economy and the engine of the 2024 rebound, has been the biggest casualty.
Looking ahead, no reconstruction can be financed while the destruction continues, and no IMF programme can advance while the state cannot ensure stability.
Iran’s leverage may be keeping the bombs off Beirut, but the south’s entrenchment as a war zone is only deepening – with hopes for recovery receding further with every village levelled.
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Morocco tenders Falit dam project5 June 2026
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According to local media reports, the project has an estimated budget of MD428m ($46m), with commissioning expected between 2029 and 2030.
The bid submission deadline is 15 July.
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The Figuig region is also home to the Kheng Grou dam project, which is designed to have a storage capacity of 1.07 billion cubic metres.
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> Be recognised among the best in the industry at the MEED Projects Awards 2026 …
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The Mina Al-Ahmadi refinery has been attacked and damaged as part of the regional war that broke out after the US and Israel attacked Iran on 28 February.
Several units were shut down at Kuwait’s largest oil refinery after it was hit by drones and fires broke out in the morning of 20 March 2026.
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Kuwait’s oil and gas sector has been severely disrupted by the ongoing regional conflict, which has led to a dramatic drop in crude exports via the Strait of Hormuz.
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> AGENDA: Gulf races to reroute trade> EXPORT ROUTES: Regional war boosts oil and gas pipeline project activity> CURRENT AFFAIRS: UAE’s Opec departure fulfils multiple ends> MEED TOP 100: Middle East stocks recover unevenly> LEADERSHIP: Building the infrastructure that makes net zero possible> TRADE DEAL: UK-GCC trade deal talks concludeTo see previous issues of MEED Business Review, please click herehttps://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/17119564/main.gif

