Rise in PPPs reflects Saudi budgetary pragmatism
7 March 2025

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The value of public-private partnership (PPP) contracts in Saudi Arabia has risen sharply over the past two years as the government seeks to develop projects through the private sector and diversify funding sources.
According to MEED Projects data, in 2023, the value of PPP concession contracts hit an all-time high of $28.2bn, equivalent to more than 23% of the total value of all project contracts awarded that year. Although that figure fell to 18.3% last year, it was still far higher than the historical average in the kingdom.

Source: MEED Projects
The figures are even starker when taking only government spending into account. In 2023, the value of signed PPP contracts totalled more than a third of the value of government or government-related projects awarded in 2023 and more than a quarter last year. This is compared to the average of 15.6% between 2019 and 2022, and just 3.5% recorded in 2018.
Government contracts include awards made by ministries, municipalities and royal commissions, in addition to state-funded key project clients such as Saudi Water Authority, the National Housing Company and Jeddah Airports Company. Public Investment Fund (PIF) subsidiaries such as Neom, the National Water Company and Rua Al-Madinah are also included.
Reducing spending
The government increasingly views the development of projects through the PPP framework as a means of delivering strategic schemes like power and desalination plants off-balance sheet using private sector funding, thereby reducing its capital expenditure requirements.
This has been particularly important as Riyadh’s financing commitments for its gigaprojects and infrastructure programmes have soared in line with its Saudi 2030 Vision. New contract awards overall in the kingdom reached $149bn, the highest ever recorded by a single country in the region and one of the largest globally.

*Government contracts include awards made by ministries, municipalities and royal commissions, in addition to state-managed key project clients such as Saudi Electricity Company, the National Housing Company and Jeddah Airports Company. Public Investment Fund (PIF) subsidiaries like Neom and Rua Al-Madinah are also included. Capital expenditure by Saudi Aramco is excluded from the analysis | Source: MEED Projects
Beyond utilities
PPPs have been used in Saudi Arabia and the wider GCC region for over two decades, but have been mainly limited to power generation and water desalination plants, where the developer benefits from guaranteed take-or-pay power-purchase agreements that eliminate demand risk.
However, over the past three years, the government has successfully implemented PPPs in a number of new sectors, including education and healthcare, to finance, build and operate schools and hospitals. Forthcoming PPP projects include the estimated $2.5bn Asir-Jizan highway, which would be the first road concession in the GCC, and the multibillion-dollar contract to develop the expansion of Abha International airport.
The NCP is expected to add dozens more PPPs to its future pipeline to relieve the state’s financial burden and to stimulate the private sector’s involvement in the local projects market
Outside the utilities sector, the body responsible for pushing the PPP agenda is the National Centre for Privatisation (NCP). It has more than 170 PPPs in the pipeline, covering long-term concession agreements in projects as diverse as municipal laboratories, television and radio tower infrastructure, court complexes and logistics zones.
As capital expenditure continues to increase, the NCP is expected to add dozens more PPPs to its future pipeline to relieve the state’s financial burden and to stimulate the private sector’s involvement in the local projects market.
Gigaproject delivery
The gigaproject development companies will likely follow a similar path. Off-grid developers Neom and Red Sea Global have both signed utilities concessions with the private sector for their power, desalination, water treatment and district cooling requirements, with the former also contracting companies to build and operate labour accommodation.
Going forward, other PIF developer subsidiaries like New Murabba Development Company (NMDC), Diriyah Company, Roshn Group and King Salman International Airport Development Company are attempting to harness the private sector for a number of their project components.
NMDC, for example, will seek companies over the next five years to finance and operate its water treatment, power, district cooling, waste collection, telecommunication, secondary roads, street lighting, social infrastructure and EV charging infrastructure requirements under its partnership strategy.
The use of PPP contractual frameworks will be critical to ensure delivery of the gigaprojects as soaring construction costs have resulted in delays to the programme and put a strain on the PIF and government’s finances.
Growing appetite
Power and water production schemes aside, it remains to be seen whether the private sector and banks will have the appetite to take on the investment risk these projects will entail, especially if they do not come with government guarantees, explicit or otherwise.
However, the experience to date suggests that there is a big appetite in the private sector – at least locally – to take on an expanded role in absorbing some of the state’s financing burden. Whether this will remain the case as the PPP pipeline continues to grow will be key to Saudi Arabia’s project and 2030 Vision ambitions.
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Israeli offensive leaves Beirut in limbo5 June 2026

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Political leaders in Tel Aviv are justifying the operation on the grounds of eliminating Hezbollah – a far‑fetched goal against a dispersed guerrilla organisation, as with Hamas in Gaza – while ignoring overtures from Lebanon’s leadership for a ceasefire.
The recently formed Lebanese government, meanwhile, continues to look impotent: unable to secure its territory from Israeli incursions or Hezbollah activity, and unable to deliver on promises of stability, reform, IMF funding and reconstruction.
Echoes of the past
The overarching shape of Israel’s military campaign is ominously familiar, echoing the 1978, 1982, 1985 and 2006 Israeli invasions of southern Lebanon – all entailing creeping encroachment without strategic resolution.
Since fighting resumed on 2 March 2026, Israeli forces have gradually pushed north, crossing north of the Litani for the first time since the 2006 Lebanon war and seizing Beaufort Castle above Nabatieh on 31 May.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has framed the goal as establishing a “security zone” – the same term and concept Israel used to justify the occupation of a roughly 800-square-kilometre belt of southern Lebanon from 1985 to 2000.
That occupation was a debacle for Israel’s military and ended in unilateral withdrawal.
Israeli analysts are already drawing the modern parallels as the cost of holding ground in southern Lebanon rises, driven by Hezbollah’s deployment of cheap fibre‑optic first‑person‑view (FPV) drones that inflict a steady drip of Israeli casualties and losses.
As with Russia in Ukraine, Tel Aviv is being tactically embarrassed by the advent of these fibre‑optic drones, which are immune to jamming and – of particular concern to Israeli forces – are too small to be reliably detected and intercepted by conventional counter‑drone systems.
This leap in Hezbollah’s operational threat – based on cheap technology that can be locally assembled – has sharply raised the price of maintaining a military presence in the country.
In an attempt to exact a retaliatory price, Israel’s air strikes rose by 110% between 19-22 May and 23-26 May as Hezbollah’s drone successes accumulated, according to conflict monitor Acled. But the underlying tactical dilemma remains.
Israeli politicians, irate at the situation, have demanded escalation and intensified strikes on civilian areas, including in Beirut – only to face US pushback.
Tehran as the lever
Planned strikes on Beirut, including on 3 June, have been held off in recent weeks under pressure from Washington after Tehran made Lebanon a bargaining chip in its wider negotiations with the US, repeatedly suspending talks following Israeli escalation in the Levant country.
Tehran has also gone further than walkouts, warning it could respond directly if Israel strikes Beirut – adding an explicit threat of retaliation to diplomatic pressure.
With a Gulf ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz both riding on the outcome, Washington is strongly motivated to keep Israel from striking Beirut.
In this way, Iran is one of the few powers wielding any leverage over Israel’s actions in Lebanon – even if that leverage is a source of discomfort for Lebanon’s leaders, for whom Tehran’s clout contrasts starkly with their own lack of influence.
That protection nevertheless remains narrowly tied to the Lebanese capital, with Washington turning a blind eye to Israel’s ongoing destruction of civilian infrastructure in Lebanon’s south.
Within the border belt that Tel Aviv has dubbed the “yellow line” – amounting to about 7% of Lebanese territory – Israeli forces have accelerated the demolition of villages since the April truce and barred residents from returning.
More than a million people, overwhelmingly Shia from the south and the Bekaa, have been displaced since March, and UN human-rights experts have pointed to the blanket evacuation orders and levelling of housing as mirroring Israel’s conduct in Gaza.
The Lebanese state remains trapped in inaction, partially of its own making. Beirut was initially close to indifferent to renewed strikes on Hezbollah, whose unilateral re-entry into the war it had condemned for endangering the state.
But as the strikes have shifted methodically towards civilian areas, Beirut’s restraint satisfies no one: the domestic audience wants protection, while Israel and the US want decisive Lebanese army action against Hezbollah.
Yet the Lebanese army – still adhering in spirit to the November 2024 ceasefire framework and loath to move seriously against Hezbollah for fear of stoking civil war – has remained aloof from the conflict.
Parliament speaker Nabih Berri, who is close to Hezbollah and maintains dialogue with the group, says it would honour a genuine ceasefire if only Washington could deliver one.
But repeated attempts to shore up the ceasefire have remained conditional on the Lebanese army stepping up to rein in Hezbollah, while failing to guarantee an end to Israel’s destruction of civilian structures in areas it is occupying.
On 3 June, a fourth round of US‑mediated trilateral talks produced a fresh ceasefire announcement, hailed in Washington as a step towards comprehensive peace.
Yet its conditions – a complete halt to Hezbollah fire, the group’s withdrawal south of the Litani and Lebanese army control of undefined “pilot zones”– merely reiterate past failed protocols. The declaration was unsigned by Hezbollah and unenforceable by Beirut.
Within hours, Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem rejected the declaration, stating that any ceasefire must cover the south and begin with Israeli withdrawal, not Hezbollah’s.
Both Israeli strikes and Hezbollah attacks have continued since the ostensible deal.
Recovery on hold
The economic cost to Lebanon, meanwhile, compounds by the day. The country entered 2026 already in crisis: cumulative GDP down close to 40% since 2019, the pound down 98%, public debt at 150% of GDP, and reserves as low as $11bn as of June 2025.
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The World Bank’s November 2024 assessment – covering only the previous round of fighting, before the March resumption – placed the economic cost at $14bn and recovery needs at $11bn, figures that the current war is now inflating by the day.
Lebanon’s Bank Audi has warned of zero growth this year if the war continues, versus a pre‑escalation projection of reconstruction‑led recovery. Tourism, historically a fifth of the economy and the engine of the 2024 rebound, has been the biggest casualty.
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Saudi Energy commissions 2.5GW battery storage project5 June 2026

Saudi Energy, formerly Saudi Electricity Company, has commissioned a major 2.5GW battery energy storage project across five regions in Saudi Arabia.
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READ THE JUNE 2026 MEED BUSINESS REVIEW – click here to view PDFGCC looks beyond the Strait; Iraq’s reform window narrows as fiscal assumptions shatter; MEED Top 100 companies.
Distributed to senior decision-makers in the region and around the world, the June 2026 edition of MEED Business Review includes:
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Kuwait tenders downstream consultancy contract5 June 2026
State-owned downstream operator Kuwait National Petroleum Company (KNPC) has tendered a consultancy contract focused on a liquid sulphur degassing facility for four sulphur recovery units at the Mina Al-Ahmadi refinery.
This type of unit removes dissolved hydrogen sulphide and other sulphur compounds from molten sulphur before it is stored, loaded onto trucks, or exported.
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Iraq tenders three cement plant projects5 June 2026

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The government-owned Iraq Cement State Company (ICSC) has invited companies to bid for three projects to develop cement plants in the country.
The first and second projects are focused on developing two new plants to produce Portland cement, each with a capacity of 6,000 tonnes a day (t/d).
The first facility is due to be developed in the Kufa quarries area in Al-Najaf Al-Ashraf Governorate, and the second is due to be developed in the Mosul district of Iraq’s Nineveh Governorate.
The third project is focused on expanding the existing Hadbaa cement plant, which is also located in the Mosul district.
The scope of this project includes establishing a new dry-process, gas-fuelled line capable of producing 3,200 t/d of ordinary and resistant Portland cement.
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The new line needs to be capable of producing cement suitable for dam filling, according to ICSC.
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The deadline for submitting bids for all three projects is 23 June 2026.
Iraq’s state-owned cement producer produced more than 676,000 tonnes of cement across its plants in February, with key plants posting double-digit growth compared to production levels in 2025.
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It has disrupted a wide range of projects and is likely to create uncertainty about future cement demand in the country.
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