Rethinking how Saudi projects are delivered
25 January 2024

In early January, Italian contractor WeBuild secured a $4.7bn contract to construct the three dams that will create a lake at the centre of Saudi Arabia’s Trojena mountain resort in Neom.
Like most in the kingdom, the project is large in scale and technically challenging. It also has an aggressive delivery schedule as the lake – and the surrounding resort and ski slopes – must be ready for the Asian Winter Games in 2029.
The project will also have to be completed at the same time as the rest of the growing volume of construction work in the kingdom. According to regional projects tracker MEED Projects, there were close to $95bn of contract awards across all sectors in the kingdom in 2023 – an all-time record and significantly higher than the $59bn recorded the previous year.
For construction specifically, there were $23bn-worth of awards made in 2023, which is marginally less than the total for 2022. With this level of awards expected to be maintained or exceeded in 2024, the challenges facing the kingdom’s construction sector will be amplified this year.
New approach
The development firms that have been tasked with delivering Riyadh’s five official gigaprojects – and the raft of other large masterplanned projects – are rethinking how projects in the kingdom are delivered.
The first area of concern is procurement, and securing sufficient resources to complete projects.
In the case of the Trojena dams, this was done by engaging with a group of construction firms on an early contractor involvement (ECI) basis. Contractors took part in a two-stage tender, with bidders submitting preliminary prices and then working with the client to arrive at a final price for the project.
By working on the project at an early stage, contractors have a better understanding of the work involved and are more likely to bid.
Neom is not the only giga- project developer using this approach. Last year, Qiddiya Investment Company appointed UAE-based Alec to build the motorsports Speed Park at its entertainment city project on the outskirts of Riyadh.
Qiddiya is also engaging with contractors on an ECI basis for its Prince Mohammed bin Salman Stadium, which features a complex design that will be built on top of a 200-metre cliff.
Other steps that have been taken to make projects in Saudi Arabia more attractive include better payment terms and an overhaul of the use of performance guarantees.
Red Sea Global (RSG), which is developing the Red Sea Project and Amaala gigaprojects, no longer requires contractors to submit bid bonds and returns performance bonds on completion of the project, along with half of the retention.
By working on the project at an early stage, contractors have a better understanding of the work involved
Packaging projects
Projects are also being packaged differently. For the Trojena dams, the work was packaged as a large infrastructure project. This route also appears to be the favoured solution for other developers undertaking large-scale infrastructure projects.
For building work, there are several approaches. RSG created much noise in the market when it decided to adopt a construction management approach for its projects. This meant breaking the project down into a series of smaller packages, which are then managed by an in-house construction management team.
The aim of this approach is to give the developer more control over the project. It also helps to overcome some of the deficiencies of the market that have existed for main contractors in the kingdom for the past decade.
Other clients are taking a different approach. In recent months, clients such as Diriyah Company and Rua al-Madinah have tendered contracts for constructing superblocks, which include the construction of a district within a development that comprises several buildings. This approach aims to offer contracts to major local, regional and international construction firms with enough scale for them to invest in the project.
The superblock approach was used in previous eras of Saudi construction when major firms – led by Saudi Binladin Group and Saudi Oger – would regularly take on large work packages.
Phasing is another way that the pressure in the market can be alleviated. Last year, executives of Saudi development companies spoke privately about the need for project priorities to be set so that they can focus on specific objectives.
At the end of last year, that notion was given more weight when Finance Minister Mohammed al-Jadaan told reporters at the launch of the state budget that Saudi Arabia needs more time to deliver its projects.
“A longer period is needed to build factories, build even sufficient human resources. The delay or rather the extension of some projects will serve the economy,” he said, adding: “There are strategies that have been postponed and there are strategies that will be financed after 2030.”
As the minister did not give specifics, it is not clear which projects will be delayed and which will remain on their original schedule. That said, projects with event-driven deadlines – such as the 2027 Asian Cup, the 2029 Asian Winter Games, Expo 2030 and the 2034 World Cup – will have to be delivered on time.
This package also includes:
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UAE moves to clear the path for recovery17 June 2026
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EditorMore than three months after the conflict began to disrupt business across the Gulf, the UAE is moving to resolve the technical challenges that the economy faces as it shifts towards recovery.
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Libya signs three oil deals after licensing round17 June 2026
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
Signing versus substance
The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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