Petrochemicals ambitions define Saudi downstream
9 March 2023

Saudi Aramco began a gradual pivot towards petrochemicals in 2007 when it partnered with Dow Chemical Company to build the Sadara chemicals project in Saudi Arabia.
Aramco’s majority acquisition of Saudi Basic Industries Corporation (Sabic) in June 2020, however, marked the formal integration of the kingdom’s oil and gas and petrochemical industries.
Just a month after completing the $69.1bn transaction with the Public Investment Fund to acquire a 70 per cent stake in Sabic, Aramco announced a reorganisation of its downstream business to create four dedicated commercial units: fuels (including refining, trading, retail and lubricants); chemicals; power; and pipelines, distribution and terminals.
Since taking these two significant steps in 2020 to bring Sabic into its fold and reshuffle its downstream business to make it more efficient and profitable, Aramco has sanctioned significant capex allocation to increasing petrochemicals production and broadening its products portfolio.
So much so that the volume of Saudi petrochemical projects in different pre-execution stages, valued at $36bn according to MEED Projects, dwarfs the pipeline of oil refining and gas processing projects.
Aramco/Sabic is currently overseeing progress on at least three mega petrochemical projects in the kingdom.
Amiral petrochemicals scheme
Saudi Aramco and Total Refining & Petrochemical Company (Satorp) is moving closer to awarding the main engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) contracts for its estimated $7bn Amiral petrochemicals project in Jubail, Saudi Arabia.
The lowest bidders have emerged for the four main EPC packages of the project, which represents the expansion of Satorp’s crude oil refining operations in Jubail into petrochemicals production.
Satorp’s petrochemicals complex, which will be the centrepiece of the Amiral development, will feature the Middle East’s largest mixed-feed cracker, processing 50 per cent ethane and refinery off-gases and with the capacity to produce 1.5 million tonnes a year (t/y) of ethylene, 500,000 t/y of propylene and related high-added-value derivative products.
The Amiral petrochemicals facility, which has recently been chosen to receive support from the Saudi government’s Shareek programme, will be integrated with Satorp’s existing 440,000 barrel-a-day (b/d) capacity refinery in Jubail to give the upcoming complex competitive feedstock advantage.
Satorp and the Royal Commission for Jubail & Yanbu are calling on third-party investors to commit up to $4bn to build chemicals plants that will derive feedstock from the main Amiral complex.
Aramco slated to escalate upstream spending
Integrated Yanbu project
Sabic recently confirmed progress with another project to build an integrated refinery and petrochemicals project in Yanbu, on Saudi Arabia’s Red Sea coast.
Sabic and its parent company Aramco signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with China Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Sinopec) in December for the Chinese chemicals company to partner in the planned petrochemicals project in Yanbu.
The aim of the MoU, signed on 15 December, is for the partners “to study the economic and technical feasibility of developing a new petrochemical complex to be integrated with an existing refinery in Yanbu, Saudi Arabia”, Aramco stated.
MEED understands that the MoU relates to a partnership for the planned Integrated Yanbu Project (IYP). The proposed project calls for integrating the Yanbu Aramco Sinopec Refinery Company’s (Yasref) existing refinery facility with a greenfield petrochemical-producing facility in Yanbu.
The petrochemicals unit will draw crude oil derivatives such as naphtha as feedstock from the Yasref refinery to process into chemicals.
Crude oil-to-chemicals complex
Sabic recently also announced the start of a feasibility study and initial engineering work to establish a large-scale complex that will convert crude oil and liquids into petrochemicals in Ras al-Khair, Saudi Arabia.
The planned complex has the capacity to convert 400,000 b/d of oil directly into chemicals.
Sabic said it would “announce progress on the [oil-to-chemicals] project in the next few years”, without providing other details, such as if it had appointed a consultant for the feasibility study on the project.
The petrochemicals giant announced in November last year that it was due to start the feasibility study into the proposed project in Ras al-Khair, located in the kingdom’s Eastern Province.
The plan to build an oil-to-chemicals facility in Ras al-Khair, instead of the previously selected location of Yanbu, is the latest move by Sabic over the past five years or so to establish such a project.
Sabic’s ambition to build a large-scale facility that converts crude oil and liquids directly into petrochemicals has faced obstacles in the past, mainly due to its capital-intensive nature and technological challenges.
Downstream oil and gas
These huge petrochemical projects aside, Aramco continues to advance projects not just to boost the throughput of its refineries and gas processing plants but also to improve its environmental credentials, in line with its net-zero carbon emissions by 2050 pledge.
Last year, Aramco awarded EPC contracts for a pair of projects to modify sulphur recovery units (SRUs) at its Riyadh and Ras Tanura refineries. French contractor Technip Energies secured the Riyadh refinery desulphurisation contract, which could be worth up to $250m.
Egypt-headquartered Engineering for the Petroleum & Process Industries (Enppi) won the main contract for the Ras Tanura refinery in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province, estimated to be worth $300m-$400m.
The Saudi energy giant is now moving ahead with a major desulphurisation programme to modify SRUs at its key gas processing plants in the kingdom.
Aramco expects third-party investments of up to $2bn in the desulphurisation programme, which entails building a large downstream tail-gas treatment (TGT) facility to collect and process tail gas discharged from SRUs at identified gas plants.
The facilities will be developed on a build-own-operate-transfer basis, making it one of Aramco’s initial public-private partnership exercises in its main oil and gas business. Investors are preparing proposals for the scheme, which are due by the end of March.
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Libya signs three oil deals after licensing round17 June 2026
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
Signing versus substance
The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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