Kuwaiti banks hunt for growth
15 August 2024
The broader economic backdrop for Kuwaiti lenders is relatively more challenging than for peers in other Gulf states, with the state budget back in deficit territory and oil revenues down 20% in 2023-24.
The Washington-based IMF estimates real economic activity to have fallen by 2.2% in 2023, with the oil sector contracting by 4.3% due to Opec+ production quota cuts.
Even so, Kuwaiti lenders have managed to put in some decent performances, benefitting – like their Gulf peers – from stronger net interest margins (NIMs) that have flowed from the global high interest rates of recent years.
Overall banking sector profits grew at an impressive 28.7% in 2023, according to Kamco Invest Research.
This year, profit performances are unlikely to match such increases. Traditionally the country’s largest bank, National Bank of Kuwait (NBK), for example saw a 6.2% increase in first-half 2024 profits to KD292.4m ($953.6m).
Kuwait Finance House, newly enlarged since its acquisition in February this year of Ahli United Bank (AUB), creating one of the largest Islamic banks globally, reported a 2.3% increase in net income to KD341.2m ($1.12bn) for the same period.
Policy pressure
Higher interest rates have exerted a negative impact on lending in Kuwait; according to the IMF, growth in credit to the non-financial private sector fell in 2023 to only 1.8% as bank lending rates rose in response to gradual policy rate hikes by the Central Bank of Kuwait (CBK), broadly in line with global monetary policy tightening.
However, it added that in light of prudent financial regulation and supervision, banks have maintained strong capital and liquidity buffers, while their profitability has rebounded from pandemic lows, and non-performing loans remain low and well provisioned for.
One challenge facing Kuwaiti lenders is that the domestic market still does not provide sufficient lending opportunities to materially impact their performances. In part, this reflects familiar issues related to Kuwait’s unique political structure.
“Political conflicts involving the parliament and the government delayed the much-needed fiscal and economic reforms, which have put pressure on growth and limit the credit growth potential of the banking sector,” says Gilbert Hobeika, a director at Fitch Ratings.
This has implications for Kuwait’s lenders because if they cannot grow domestically, they will likely look beyond the country’s borders.
Looking beyond Kuwait is designed to create market share and build stronger franchises.
KFH is a case in point. Upon completion of its merger with AUB Kuwait, it is now placed as a rival of NBK in terms of size, giving it the critical mass to enable it to consider expanding into other GCC markets. Market speculation has centred on the potential acquisition of a large stake in Saudi Investment Bank.
There is also the prospect of another large domestic merger, with Boubyan Bank and Gulf Bank, two Kuwait-listed sharia-compliant lenders, undertaking an initial feasibility study for a potential tie-up. Further consolidation moves could see a conventional lender absorbing an Islamic player or gaining an Islamic subsidiary. All options remain open.
Relative weakness
That focus on inorganic expansion also reflects the weaker profitability seen in Kuwait’s banking sector relative to other GCC banking markets.
There are several reasons for this, says Hobeika. “One is that Kuwait has one of the highest loan loss allowance coverages of stage three loans, meaning that while you could see in the region of 70-120% in the GCC, in Kuwait banks could reach 500% and on average around 250%. This is because the CBK is much more conservative than any other regulator in the region.”
The other point is the pressure on Kuwaiti banks’ NIMs. Different considerations explain why Kuwaiti banks have not benefitted from higher NIMs in the same way as Saudi or UAE banks have.
“The dynamics are really different,” says Hobeika. “One is the pricing cap set by the Central Bank, and then you’ve got the fixed interest rates on retail loans, so they cannot increase their pricing. Then you’ve got a huge amount of murabaha on the Islamic side, which are fixed for long durations.”
In an overbanked economy such as Kuwait, the result is increased competition, with banks bidding to take a piece of a small cake.
That said, the effective supervision of the CBK provides for some additional support for banks.
“They will provide some relief for them to be able to generate efficient operating profit, to support their capital and internal generation of capital. Even if the performance is lower, it’s still sufficient to support internal capital generation,” says Hobeika.
The NIM situation reflects Kuwait’s distinctive policy approach. CBK does not systemically follow the US Federal Reserve’s interest changes, meaning that typically, every two or three changes made by the Fed will be followed by a single change in Kuwait.
According to an analysis by Kuwait-based research firm Marmore, the approach of skipping interest rate tweaks has meant that while the overall NIM has changed in line with the global policy rate, the magnitude of change has been smaller. For that reason, NIMs might not decline for all Kuwaiti banks in the anticipated forthcoming easing cycle.
Marmore notes that this year, while banks such as NBK expect their NIMs to be stable, other banks have highlighted the difficulty in providing guidance for NIMs given the uncertainty over the timing and magnitude of rate cuts.
And while some Kuwaiti lenders have not gained as much benefit as other Gulf banks from higher interest rates, they may yet feel the positive impact from lower rates, given that retail loans are fixed.
These advantages may seem marginal, but in a global climate where lower interest rates will reduce the capacity to generate easy profits as in past years, they may prove to be welcome for Kuwait’s lenders.
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
Signing versus substance
The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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