Iraq power projects make headway
9 May 2023

The inefficiency of Iraq’s electricity generation and transmission and distribution (T&D) infrastructure is well documented and ironic, given that the country is the second-largest Opec crude oil producer and home to the world’s largest crude oil reserves.
Decades-long protracted armed conflicts have routinely targeted Iraq’s substations, while economic and political upheavals have deterred further investments within the sector.
Over the past few months, however, there have been positive indications that the tide could be turning in favour of Iraq’s plans to improve the sector’s performance and output and reduce its carbon intensity.
In February, US-headquartered GE and Iraq’s Ministry of Electricity (MoE) agreed to pursue new projects to boost the country’s electricity infrastructure.
The parties signed principles of cooperation (PoC) to explore several projects, including establishing new power plants, expanding capacity at existing facilities, and building new substations to relieve grid congestion across a range of directorates.
This is on top of the power generation and T&D projects that the US firm has delivered in Iraq since 2011.
MOE also signed five-year service agreements with Germany’s Siemens Energy for three power plants with a combined total capacity of 1GW in March. Further cooperation is expected to be finalised for conventional and renewable generation capacity of up to 11GW.
In addition, Iraq has an estimated $10bn-worth of greenfield and brownfield thermal power generation projects in various planning and procurement stages, along with some $5bn of solar photovoltaic (PV) power plants, data from regional projects tracker MEED Projects reveals.
France’s TotalEnergies is in advanced talks to develop a 1GW solar power project catering to the southern Basra region as part of its $27bn Iraq energy programme.
“Talks are … progressing positively with the government. There are discussions about contracts and doing development activities,” a source close to the project tells MEED.
Power links
Similarly, plans to link Iraq to the regional GCC, Saudi Arabia and Jordan electricity grids have made good progress in recent months.
In February, the GCC Interconnection Authority (GCCIA) confirmed the award of five contracts worth $220m for the construction of infrastructure linking the region’s electricity grid with Iraq’s.
The project involves the construction of a double circuit 400-kilovolt (kV) transmission line from the Wafra station in Kuwait to the Al-Faw station in south Iraq with a total transmission capacity of 1,800MW and a length of 295 kilometres.
To be completed within 24 months, the project’s first stage is expected to supply Iraq with 500MW of electricity.
Work on the first 150MW phase of the Iraq-Jordan power link is also understood to start this month, following the award of the contract to GE.
A third power transmission link is planned by Saudi Electricity Company and Iraq’s MoE, between Arar in northern Saudi Arabia and Yousifiyah, a township in Iraq’s Baghdad Governorate.
These projects will help alleviate Iraq’s worsening power deficit, especially in the summer months when its existing infrastructure cannot cope with demand spikes.
It could also reduce dependence on Iran, from which Iraq imports an average of 1,200MW of electricity annually to augment supply.
It is understood Baghdad accrued a debt of $1.6bn for its Iranian gas and electricity purchases between 2019 and 2021, although most of the debt, if not all, was reportedly settled in October 2022.
Setbacks
As expected in Iraq, there have been some setbacks despite the encouraging developments.
Norwegian utility developer and investor Scatec has exited the deals it signed in 2021 to develop two solar independent power projects (IPPs) with a total combined capacity of 525MW in Karbala and Iskandariya.
Reports cite that difficulties and delays in negotiations led to the firm’s decision to exit the projects, for which power-purchase agreements (PPAs) are understood to have not yet been signed.
Scatec’s partners for the project, Egypt’s Orascom and the local firm Iraqi al-Bilal, may go ahead with implementing the projects, according to an industry source.
The start of construction work has also been delayed for the first phase of a planned 1,400MW thermal power plant in Karbala due to the lack of a financial agreement between the developer and the Iraqi government.
Baghdad-based Harlow International was selected to develop the project in February 2021. During the intervening period, it acquired land, signed a power-purchase agreement and appointed China’s Citic Construction to build the first and second phases of the planned power plant.
Citic has agreed to co-finance the project along with Harlow International.
Decarbonisation route
In addition to an estimated 5.5GW of solar PV projects in various stages of negotiations, other plans are under way to reduce the carbon intensity of Iraq’s energy sector.
For example, the recent PoC that the Electricity Ministry signed with GE includes a proposed 10-point strategy to accelerate Iraq’s energy transition.
The plan includes a flare gas-to-power project so that Iraq can utilise gas that is currently flared to produce electricity. Maintenance, upgrades and rehabilitation of the traditional fuel fleet are also planned.
It additionally includes a combined-cycle conversion programme, which is expected to “enhance efficiency, leading to significant fuel savings and decreasing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions intensity”.
Notably, Iraq has tendered and awarded several plant conversion projects in recent years. In February, MOE awarded a team of China’s Dongfang Electric and China State Construction Engineering Corporation a contract to convert a simple-cycle power generation plant in Al-Zubair into a combined-cycle gas turbine (CCGT) facility.
Similar projects are in the procurement and execution stages. These include converting three power plants in Baghdad and two in Quds.
In 2021, MOE prequalified companies to bid for the contracts to convert two simple-cycle power plants in Diwaniya and Haidariya into CCGT facilities. Other similar projects include an existing power plant in Karbala, which has 10 units of GE’s F9E gas turbines, and another power plant in Najaf, which runs on two GE F9E units.
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The Pendry superblock includes the construction of the Pendry Hotel alongside residential and commercial assets. The package will cover 75,365 square metres and is located in the northwestern district of the DG2 area.
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AHS Properties acquires Shangri-La hotel for $300m17 June 2026
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UAE moves to clear the path for recovery17 June 2026
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Libya signs three oil deals after licensing round17 June 2026
Libya’s National Oil Corporation (NOC) has signed three production-sharing agreements with several international energy companies following the country’s first licensing round in nearly two decades.
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
Signing versus substance
The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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