What happens in Georgia matters to the Gulf
28 May 2024

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The ongoing demonstration of tens of thousands of ordinary Georgians against the reintroduction of a so-called “foreign influence” bill is an emerging source of uncertainty for investors at home and abroad, including in the Arab Gulf States.
Backed by the governing Georgian Dream party, the controversial legislation requires media and non-governmental organisations receiving more than 20% funding from abroad to register as an organisation “pursuing the interests of a foreign power”.
Critics have branded the bill the “Russian law”, warning that similar legislation has been used there to quieten free speech and crack down on dissent.
After being passed by Georgia’s unicameral parliament, President Salome Zurabishvili refused to sign the bill into law, despite her opposition being likely to be overruled by Georgian Dream. Following its forced passage, protestors gathered outside Georgia’s parliament building and clashed with police.
A further intensification of protests and violence cannot be ruled out in a country with a rich history of political instability. It would therefore be wise for the GCC states to pay close attention to what might happen next.
Gulf exposure
The GCC has an active interest in maintaining a wary eye on Georgia due to the exponential growth of the region’s economic interests in the Caucasian country in recent years, particularly in its tourism sector.
Statistics suggest that by the end of 2022, the country welcomed almost 210,000 tourists from Gulf states, 15 times more than a decade ago. With a 60% increase in visitors between 2019 and 2022, Saudi Arabia arguably provides the most intriguing rise.
Irrespective of where they come from, many GCC tourists enjoy visiting Georgia for its acceptance of Halal and other Islamic practices, its temperate summer climate and increasing opportunities to indulge in winter sports at its mountain resorts.
Presently, the UAE leads the GCC’s investment into Georgia’s tourist economy. Tourism is also one of the focus areas of the UAE-Georgia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) signed between the two countries in October 2023.
The agreement not only reinforces the UAE’s status as Georgia’s sixth largest investor, but also seeks to double non-oil trade from $481m to $1.5bn in five years. Beyond tourism, target sectors include agriculture, renewables and technology.
The UAE’s foothold in Georgia’s infrastructure is also growing following AD Ports Group’s recent acquisition of a 60% stake in Tbilisi’s dry port. This inland terminal is situated along the Middle Corridor, a trade lane linking manufacturing hubs in Asia with consumer markets in Eastern Europe.
Other significant players in Georgia’s infrastructural development include China, which recently completed a 9,000-metre-long tunnel along the country’s Kvesheti-Kobi road. Improved infrastructure is also integral to Georgia’s currently imperiled candidacy for membership of the EU.
Business conditions
Economists will tell you that the ideal conditions for economic development include infrastructure investment, open trade and investment regimes and political stability.
There can be no denying that Georgia’s steady economic growth in recent years has benefitted from having all three pillars in place, even if political stability is perceived by some to have come at the cost of bona fide democracy.
Conversely, expert-level knowledge is not required to make the connection between political unrest and faltering economic conditions, particularly in key sectors such as tourism.
While Tbilisi remains the main focus of protests and international coverage, opponents of the “foreign influence” bill have made their presence felt in other parts of Georgia, including Batumi, the country’s third city and Black Sea resort.
This places Georgia’s two leading tourist destinations and associated logistics – most notably Shota Rustaveli Tbilisi International airport – on the frontline of both current and future instability. The same can also be said of many GCC investments and business interests in Georgia’s tourist sector.
Next month’s Eid Al Adha will provide valuable insights into how Georgia’s political turmoil is starting to influence choices made by GCC residents and impacting regional economic objectives. Islam’s second major holiday is regularly accompanied by a getaway from the region to cooler climes.
With a two-hour flying time and regular flights from Doha, Dubai and Riyadh, among others, Georgia represented a convenient, relatively safe and value-for-money tourist destination. That is until the country’s latest round of political protests and volatility.
Unlike tourists, those GCC companies and investors with a long-term stake in Georgia’s economy and infrastructure have little option but to watch how political events unfold.
Some worst-case scenarios could prove unpalatable: real estate in tourist locations underutilised during peak seasons; logistics hubs losing business as manufacturers divert to safer trading routes; missed opportunities to bolster regional food security through the export of cheaper agricultural products.
The GCC, and especially the UAE, is by no means the only regional grouping or country that is keeping an eye on Georgia’s uncertain political situation. With growing interest in developing the Middle Corridor and Black Sea port of Anaklia, China particularly stands to benefit from the country’s return to stability.
The same is also true of the US and EU, both concerned about Russia’s rising influence over a country that was once part of the Soviet Union
Accordingly, the GCC has options regarding who it can work with to persuade Georgia to collectively do more to resolve its political crisis.
The challenge facing the group is making the most politically astute and economically expedient choice of partner(s) at the appropriate time in Georgia’s unfolding political drama.

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WEBINAR: End-of-Year Mena Market Review13 November 2026
Webinar: The big questions shaping the Gulf market. You decide what gets debated.
Tuesday 24 November 2026 | 11:00 AM GST | Register now
What makes this session particularly interesting is that the audience gets to decide the agenda. Registrants can vote for the topics they’d like Ed and Colin to debate, with the most popular questions forming the final shortlist for the live session.
Topics in the ballot:
- Is the Gulf trying to build too much, too quickly?
- Saudi Arabia or the UAE: where would you place your next big bet?
- Are gigaprojects the best use of public money?
- Who is really responsible when projects go wrong?
- Should the lowest-price tender become a thing of the past?
- Can private capital take over from the government in financing infrastructure and diversification?
- Is the Gulf’s AI and data centre boom a smart bet or the next overbuilding risk?
- Should the Gulf double down on hydrocarbons to fund diversification?
- Is localisation strengthening the economy or making delivery harder?
- Are Gulf countries building complementary economies or competing for the same customers?
The session will also feature live audience polling and Q&A, giving attendees an opportunity to share their views.
Hosted by:
Edward James, head of content and analysis at MEED
A well-known and respected thought leader in Mena affairs, Edward James has been with MEED for more than 19 years, working as a researcher, consultant and content director. Today, he heads up all content and research produced by the MEED group. His specific areas of expertise are construction, hydrocarbons, power and water, and the petrochemicals market. He is considered one of the world’s foremost experts on the Mena projects market. He is a regular guest commentator on Middle East issues for news channels such as the BBC, CNN and ABC News and is a regular speaker at events in the region.
Colin Foreman, editor of MEED
Colin Foreman is editor and a specialist construction journalist for news and analysis on MEED.com and the MEED Business Review magazine. He has been reporting on the region since 2003, specialising in the construction sector and its impact on the broader economy. He has reported exclusively on a wide range of projects across the region including Dubai Metro, the Burj Khalifa, Jeddah Airport, Doha Metro, Hamad International airport and Yas Island. Before joining MEED, Colin reported on the construction sector in Hong Kong.https://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/21380319/main.gif -
PDO awards contract for Al-Ghubar oil field project12 November 2026

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Petroleum Development Oman (PDO) has awarded the main contract for a project to build a facility to handle additional oil production from the Al-Ghubar field in the sultanate.
The Al-Ghubar field is located in the Ghaba Salt Basin at Qarn Alam, within majority state-owned PDO’s Block 6 concession area.
The Al-Ghubar gas-oil gravity drainage (GOGD) facility will be designed as a sour (hydrogen sulphide) facility and is expected to handle a maximum oil production rate of 1,800 standard cubic metres a day (cm/d), a total water flow rate of up to 10,421 standard cm/d and gas lift of up to 256,934 standard cm/d. Production from the planned Al-Ghubar GOGD facility will be exported to PDO’s main oil line.
China-based Jereh Group has won the contract for the Al-Ghubar GOGD facility project, sources told MEED.
A project kick-off meeting between PDO and Jereh has also recently taken place, the sources said.
MEED previously reported that Jereh had emerged as the lowest bidder for the project.
The following contractors, among others, are understood to have been bidding for the Al-Ghubar GOGD facility project:
- Engineering for the Petroleum & Process Industries (Egypt) / Petrojet (Egypt)
- GS Engineering & Construction (South Korea)
- Jereh (China)
- Larsen & Toubro Energy Hydrocarbon (India)
PDO floated the tender for the Al-Ghubar GOGD facility project in March, setting an initial bid submission deadline of 4 May, MEED previously reported.
PDO later extended the deadlines for the submission of technical and commercial bids to 26 July and 7 August, respectively. Contractors submitted technical proposals by the revised deadline, according to sources.
After receiving the technical bids for the project in July, PDO granted contractors until 16 August to submit commercial bids. It eventually extended the deadline to 1 September, with contractors submitting commercial proposals by that date, as MEED reported.
The scope of work on the Al-Ghubar GOGD project covers the engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) of the following:
- On-plot scope, consisting of:
- Production separator
- Test separator
- Concentric wash tank
- Wet oil pump
- Water bath heater
- Surge tank
- Gas injection/gas lift compressor (centrifugal)
- Utilities (instrument air compressors, chemical injection skids, drain system, vent system)
- Suction scrubber
- Air coolers
- Discharge scrubbers
- Condensate flash drum
- Atmospheric pressure knock-out drum
- Flare system
- Gas heater
- Water disposal pump
- Oil shipping pump
- 132kV substation and plant substation (housing 6.6kV and 415-Volt switchboard)
- Control room
- Off-plot scope consisting of:
- Off-plot pipeline network (bulk header, test header, gathering infrastructure/ gathering line header, instrument air header, water disposal header)
- Two remote manifold stations
- Tie-in connection to main oil line
- Tie-in to gas network pipeline
PDO previously intended to tender the Al-Ghubar GOGD project under its framework structure with selected EPC contractors, but ultimately tendered it separately.
PDO is the operator of Oman’s Block 6 hydrocarbons concession, the sultanate’s largest and most prolific concession. Situated onshore and covering an area of 75,119 square kilometres, Block 6 contains 202 oil fields and 43 gas fields. PDO produces approximately 680,000 barrels a day of oil and condensates from the fields.
The Omani government holds a 60% stake in PDO through Energy Development Oman. The other shareholders are UK-based Shell (34%), France’s TotalEnergies (4%) and Thailand’s state-owned PTTEP (2%).
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Laing O’Rourke joins the international exit list12 November 2026
Commentary
Colin Foreman
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Laing O’Rourke’s decision to seek a buyer for its Middle East business marks the end of an era for UAE construction.
In the early 2000s, the contractor was among the leading names in the market. Its work at Dubai International airport, the Atlantis hotel on the Palm Jumeirah and the ski slope at Mall of the Emirates made it arguably the UAE’s most prominent contractor during the pre-global financial crisis construction boom.
Its activities were not limited to Dubai. A partnering agreement with Aldar for Al-Raha Beach then made it the most active contractor in Abu Dhabi almost overnight.
The global financial crisis changed its fortunes. The Aldar Laing O’Rourke joint venture ended. Unsettled by payment problems and wider stress in the industry, the company took a more cautious approach to clients and projects in the region. One executive at the time told MEED: “You might see lots of tower cranes, but none of them are doing work that we would want to do.”
The contractor’s appetite partially returned in the late 2010s, when it won Al-Wasl Plaza at the Expo 2020 site in Dubai. It also became a leading player in the growing data centre market, delivering facilities for repeat clients, including Khazna and Equinix.
Data centres have since been its focus. These are significant projects, but they lack the public profile of the airport, Atlantis and Al-Wasl Plaza. As its profile faded, the company sold its UAE joinery arm to Dubai-based Arco Turnkey Solutions in 2025.
Laing O’Rourke now looks set to follow other international contractors that have, for various reasons, left the region, including Murray & Roberts, Balfour Beatty, Multiplex, Carillion and Bam. With a record £17.2bn order book anchored by UK and Australian infrastructure, the group’s priorities clearly lie elsewhere.
Whoever buys the business will inherit strong data centre credentials. For much of the market, however, Laing O’Rourke will be remembered for the landmark projects that defined the UAE’s boom years.
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Poland’s Orlen terminates QatarEnergy LNG supply deal11 November 2026
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Poland’s Orlen has announced it has terminated one of two long-term contracts for the supply of liquefied natural gas (LNG) by QatarEnergy LNG, a subsidiary of state enterprise QatarEnergy. The termination follows an ongoing force majeure event “resulting in an inability to meet contractual delivery obligations”.
The agreement covered the supply of 1 million tonnes a year (t/y) of LNG, equivalent to approximately 15.3 terawatt-hours, with pricing linked to crude oil quotations. The estimated value of the agreement for 2026 is approximately €570m ($634.9m), Orlen said in a statement on 10 November.
The terminated agreement was originally signed by Polskie Gornictwo Naftowe i Gazownictwo and QatarEnergy on 29 June 2009. Deliveries under the agreement commenced in 2016 and were due to remain in force until 2034, the Polish energy company said.
The agreement will remain in force for a further 60 days following the notice of termination, Orlen said in its statement.
Orlen continues to honour its second agreement with QatarEnergy, which covers deliveries of up to 1 million t/y of LNG until 2034, under a pricing formula linked to gas price quotations.
“The decision to terminate the agreement does not affect the security of gas supplies. Gas production from the company’s own fields, together with its long-term gas supply agreements, ensures full coverage of Orlen Group’s gas requirements,” the company concluded.
It is not clear whether Orlen’s termination of one of its long-term LNG supply agreements with QatarEnergy is related to the Qatari energy giant declaring force majeure on two instances in March this year, when its energy infrastructure was hit in Iranian drone and missile attacks.
Force majeure episodes
On 4 March, QatarEnergy issued force majeure to customers that were affected by its decision to stop production and shipments of LNG and associated products after military attacks on the company’s operating facilities in Ras Laffan Industrial City and Mesaieed Industrial City in Qatar on 2 March.
Later that month, Qatar said Iranian missiles had caused extensive damage at Ras Laffan Industrial City on 18 March, with Saad Sherida Al-Kaabi, QatarEnergy’s CEO and Minister of State for Energy Affairs, saying that the Iranian strikes had knocked out about 17% of its LNG export capacity, causing an estimated $20bn in lost annual revenue.
At least two of Qatar’s 14 LNG trains and one of its two gas-to-liquids facilities were damaged in the Iranian strikes, Al-Kaabi told news agency Reuters at the time.
Repairing damaged assets will sideline 12.8 million t/y of LNG for three to five years, threatening supplies to European and Asian nations, including China and India, according to Al-Kaabi.
As a result, QatarEnergy said it would have to declare force majeure on long-term contracts for up to five years for LNG supplies bound for Italy, Belgium, South Korea and China. Poland was not specifically mentioned at the time.
“These are long-term contracts that we have to declare force majeure. We already declared, but that was a shorter term. Now it is whatever the period is,” Al-Kaabi said in March.
QatarEnergy currently has a nameplate LNG production capacity of 77.5 million t/y, with all its processing trains and export infrastructure located in Ras Laffan Industrial City, which lies about 90 kilometres to the north of Doha and is home to the largest LNG production and export facility in the world.
QatarEnergy’s LNG production capacity is on course to rise to 142 million t/y when the three phases of its $40bn North Field LNG expansion programme are commissioned by the end of the decade. Engineering, procurement and construction works on its North Field East, North Field South and North Field West projects are progressing, with the first phase expected to be operational by the end of this year.
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Riyadh shifts bid deadline for King Salman Stadium works11 November 2026

Saudi Arabia’s Sports Ministry has set a deadline of 1 December for a contract covering early works at the King Salman International Stadium in Riyadh.
The tender scope encompasses enabling works, site preparation and initial construction activities. The tender was issued on 11 October, carrying an initial submission deadline of 19 November. Contractors previously submitted prequalification statements for the main design-and-build contract in February.
Designed by US-based architectural firm Populous, the stadium will cover approximately 660,000 square metres (sq m), seat 92,000 spectators and stand adjacent to King Abdulaziz Park. Facilities will feature a 150-seat royal suite, 120 hospitality suites, 300 VIP seats and 2,200 dignitary seats.
The broader masterplan encompasses more than 360,000 sq m of ancillary facilities, featuring two training fields, fan zones, a closed sports hall, an Olympic-sized swimming pool, an athletics track, and outdoor courts for volleyball, basketball and padel.
Scheduled for completion by 2029, the venue will serve as the home base for the Saudi national football team and host the opening match and final of the 2034 Fifa World Cup.
Saudi stadium plans
In August 2024, MEED reported that Saudi Arabia plans to build 11 new stadiums and refurbish four existing venues for the 2034 tournament. Eight venues will be located in Riyadh, four in Jeddah, and one each in Al-Khobar, Abha and Neom.
An additional 10 cities will host team base camps: Al-Baha, Jazan, Taif, Medina, AlUla, Umluj, Tabuk, Hail, Al-Ahsa and Buraidah. Across the kingdom, organisers plan to deploy 134 training sites, comprising 61 existing facilities and 73 new builds.
Saudi Arabia was officially selected to host the 2034 Fifa World Cup during an online convention of member associations at the Fifa Congress on 11 December 2024.
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