GCC battery storage pipeline hits over 55GWh
28 February 2025
Analysis
Jennifer Aguinaldo
Energy & technology editor

The battery energy storage system (bess) plant project pipeline in the GCC region – mainly in Saudi Arabia and the UAE – has reached 55.4 gigawatt-hours (GWh) of estimated rated capacity.
Data from MEED and regional projects tracker MEED Projects indicates that schemes with a total capacity of about 21.7GWh are under construction, primarily in Saudi Arabia, while bess plants in the pre-execution phase have an estimated cumulative rated capacity of 33.8GWh.
This substantial pipeline has been built over the past two to three years, when a total of 3.9GWh of capacity was built in Saudi Arabia through the 1.3GWh Red Sea multi-utility project and the recently completed 2.6GWh battery energy storage plant by Saudi Arabia's National Grid.
"The main energy storage driver across the GCC region is the rapid deployment of low-cost solar power to meet growing demand," notes Marek Kubik, a Saudi Arabia-based industry expert.
"As photovoltaic (PV) produces power only in the day and is a non-synchronous form of power, this brings with it certain balancing, ramping and stability challenges.
"Bess is needed for storing and shifting solar power from day to night, to reduce congestion and improve utilisation on the transmission system, as well as providing stability services to support stable grid operations," says Kubik.
Capacity ramp-up
With an estimated 775MW/3.9GWh of deployed capacity at the end of 2024, the GCC region accounts for a small proportion of the global deployment of about 160GW or 363GWh, according to the Volta Foundation.
The global not-for-profit group said global bess installations last year accounted for more than 45% of the total cumulative global capacity.
The region is poised to catch up with the rest of the world, however. Saudi Arabia's Bisha bess plant is one of 17 projects globally with a capacity of over 1GWh that entered operations in 2024.
A total of 21.7GWh of capacity is under construction in Saudi Arabia and is expected to be completed by the end of the year, with more under way.
Such growth will likely overtake the 55% year-on-year growth observed by the Volta Foundation.
The GCC region’s first major bess independent power producer (IPP) scheme was integrated into Red Sea Global’s multi-utility package in Saudi Arabia.
Developed by Saudi utility developer Acwa Power and built by China’s Huawei Digital, the 1,300 megawatt-hour (MWh) facility caters to the 28,000 square-kilometre “regenerative” tourism project on the west coast of the kingdom, which is being powered 100% by clean energy.
A bess facility with a capacity of 760MWh is also included in a similar multi-utility package for Red Sea Global’s sister development, Amaala.
The 2.6GWh Bisha represents an important milestone, ushering the kingdom onto the list of the world's top locations for lithium iron phosphate (LFP)-based bess.
So far, every utility or grid operator in the GCC, Morocco and Jordan plans to procure or has started to procure bess capacity independently, to balance their grid as electricity demand and renewable energy capacity increase, or as part of a solar power plant scheme.
In the absence of viable hydropower capacity, which is the main energy storage capacity in non-water-scarce regions, or thermal energy storage systems like molten salt, bess is emerging as the best alternative to enhance the flexibility of existing energy or electricity systems as sources increasingly diversify.
Abu Dhabi state utility Emirates Water & Electricity Company (Ewec) received 93 expressions of interest and prequalified more than two dozen companies to bid individually or as members of consortiums for its first pair of bess plants, which will have a capacity of up to 800MWh.
In January, Ewec and Abu Dhabi Future Energy Company (Masdar) announced a project that aims to convert solar power into base load capacity by coupling a 5GW solar PV plant with a 19GWh battery energy storage facility in Abu Dhabi.
Falling lithium prices and oversupply
The need for grid flexibility and a steep fall in the price of lithium – the main raw material for the dominant battery technology – has helped utilities to move forward with their plans to procure bess, which was considered cost-prohibitive until a year ago.
According to a BloombergNEF (BNEF) report in December, lithium-ion battery pack prices dropped 20% from 2023, to a record-low of $115 a kilowatt-hour.
Factors driving the decline include cell manufacturing overcapacity, economies of scale, low metal and component prices, the adoption of lower-cost LFP batteries and a slowdown in electric vehicle (EV) sales growth.
In the past two years, battery manufacturers have expanded production capacity in anticipation of surging demand for batteries in the EV and stationary storage sectors.
According to BNEF, overcapacity is rife, with 3.1 terawatt-hours of fully commissioned battery-cell manufacturing capacity globally, which is more than 2.5 times the annual demand for lithium-ion batteries in 2024.
It added that while demand in all sectors saw year-on-year growth, the EV market – the biggest demand driver for batteries – grew more slowly than in recent years.
In contrast, stationary storage markets have taken off, with strong competition in cell and system providers, especially in China.
Completed and under-construction bess plants in the GCC are all supplied by Chinese battery cell and system providers. BYD and Sungow account for 59% and 36% of completed and under-construction battery energy storage plants in Saudi Arabia, respectively, while Huawei accounts for the rest.
Contemporary Amperex Technology Company (CATL) will be supplying the battery cell and systems for Abu Dhabi's round-the-clock 1GW solar project.
Prices are expected to fall further, which will likely accelerate GCC deployments.
Some experts predict the prices could drop to as low as $50/kWh-$25/kWh and, at best, to as low as $10/kWh by the end of the decade, subject to extrapolating current battery learning rates of about 25% for every doubling of capacity.
Longer-duration battery cells
Despite their expected widespread deployment, there are concerns that batteries providing up to six hours of storage may not be sufficient to address the peak electricity demand in most GCC states.
Demand in the GCC states peaks between 6pm and 6am, when air-conditioning systems, street lighting and other home appliances are turned on, and where there is little wind capacity to supply renewable power.
Nevertheless, a staged approach to bess deployment is necessary to get to a fully net-renewable electricity system, says Kubik.
"Around the world, this is approached in a staged manner and bess of increasing duration is added over time, as the depth of renewable penetration increases," he says.
"The GCC has, to an extent, leapfrogged other markets by starting with four-hour to six-hour bess, but over time this need will grow to about eight- to 10-hours, which is enough to move to more or less a ‘baseload’ around-the-clock solar profile. As LFP costs continue to fall, longer-duration systems are rapidly becoming more economic."
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Political leaders in Tel Aviv are justifying the operation on the grounds of eliminating Hezbollah – a far‑fetched goal against a dispersed guerrilla organisation, as with Hamas in Gaza – while ignoring overtures from Lebanon’s leadership for a ceasefire.
The recently formed Lebanese government, meanwhile, continues to look impotent: unable to secure its territory from Israeli incursions or Hezbollah activity, and unable to deliver on promises of stability, reform, IMF funding and reconstruction.
Echoes of the past
The overarching shape of Israel’s military campaign is ominously familiar, echoing the 1978, 1982, 1985 and 2006 Israeli invasions of southern Lebanon – all entailing creeping encroachment without strategic resolution.
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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has framed the goal as establishing a “security zone” – the same term and concept Israel used to justify the occupation of a roughly 800-square-kilometre belt of southern Lebanon from 1985 to 2000.
That occupation was a debacle for Israel’s military and ended in unilateral withdrawal.
Israeli analysts are already drawing the modern parallels as the cost of holding ground in southern Lebanon rises, driven by Hezbollah’s deployment of cheap fibre‑optic first‑person‑view (FPV) drones that inflict a steady drip of Israeli casualties and losses.
As with Russia in Ukraine, Tel Aviv is being tactically embarrassed by the advent of these fibre‑optic drones, which are immune to jamming and – of particular concern to Israeli forces – are too small to be reliably detected and intercepted by conventional counter‑drone systems.
This leap in Hezbollah’s operational threat – based on cheap technology that can be locally assembled – has sharply raised the price of maintaining a military presence in the country.
In an attempt to exact a retaliatory price, Israel’s air strikes rose by 110% between 19-22 May and 23-26 May as Hezbollah’s drone successes accumulated, according to conflict monitor Acled. But the underlying tactical dilemma remains.
Israeli politicians, irate at the situation, have demanded escalation and intensified strikes on civilian areas, including in Beirut – only to face US pushback.
Tehran as the lever
Planned strikes on Beirut, including on 3 June, have been held off in recent weeks under pressure from Washington after Tehran made Lebanon a bargaining chip in its wider negotiations with the US, repeatedly suspending talks following Israeli escalation in the Levant country.
Tehran has also gone further than walkouts, warning it could respond directly if Israel strikes Beirut – adding an explicit threat of retaliation to diplomatic pressure.
With a Gulf ceasefire and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz both riding on the outcome, Washington is strongly motivated to keep Israel from striking Beirut.
In this way, Iran is one of the few powers wielding any leverage over Israel’s actions in Lebanon – even if that leverage is a source of discomfort for Lebanon’s leaders, for whom Tehran’s clout contrasts starkly with their own lack of influence.
That protection nevertheless remains narrowly tied to the Lebanese capital, with Washington turning a blind eye to Israel’s ongoing destruction of civilian infrastructure in Lebanon’s south.
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More than a million people, overwhelmingly Shia from the south and the Bekaa, have been displaced since March, and UN human-rights experts have pointed to the blanket evacuation orders and levelling of housing as mirroring Israel’s conduct in Gaza.
The Lebanese state remains trapped in inaction, partially of its own making. Beirut was initially close to indifferent to renewed strikes on Hezbollah, whose unilateral re-entry into the war it had condemned for endangering the state.
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Parliament speaker Nabih Berri, who is close to Hezbollah and maintains dialogue with the group, says it would honour a genuine ceasefire if only Washington could deliver one.
But repeated attempts to shore up the ceasefire have remained conditional on the Lebanese army stepping up to rein in Hezbollah, while failing to guarantee an end to Israel’s destruction of civilian structures in areas it is occupying.
On 3 June, a fourth round of US‑mediated trilateral talks produced a fresh ceasefire announcement, hailed in Washington as a step towards comprehensive peace.
Yet its conditions – a complete halt to Hezbollah fire, the group’s withdrawal south of the Litani and Lebanese army control of undefined “pilot zones”– merely reiterate past failed protocols. The declaration was unsigned by Hezbollah and unenforceable by Beirut.
Within hours, Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem rejected the declaration, stating that any ceasefire must cover the south and begin with Israeli withdrawal, not Hezbollah’s.
Both Israeli strikes and Hezbollah attacks have continued since the ostensible deal.
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Kuwait’s oil and gas sector has been severely disrupted by the ongoing regional conflict, which has led to a dramatic drop in crude exports via the Strait of Hormuz.
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