Gaza conflict tests UAE-Israel ties
13 June 2024

The stance of the UAE towards Israel has cooled dramatically in the past eight months amid the conflict in Gaza, which is proving to be a major test of the partnership built between Abu Dhabi and Tel Aviv.
From boasting of warm and open trade dealings, the UAE has gone quiet on its business deals with Israeli partners, while on a political and diplomatic level the humanitarian tragedy in Gaza has increasingly drawn condemnatory statements from UAE officials.
It is a twist in developments that neither country could have foreseen, as nor indeed had Saudi Arabia, which was nearing its own normalisation agreement with Israel. It has also taken a bilateral strategic partnership that was long in the making into uncertain territory.
Long-term partnership
The 2020 Abraham Accords that normalised relations between the UAE and Israel came at the tail end of at least a decade’s worth of interaction between the two countries. The agreement emerged first and foremost as a set of shared strategic interests in opposition to regional threats in the early 2010s.
In a very tangible interaction in 2016, pilots from the UAE and Israel for the first time participated together in aerial combat training exercises hosted by the United States Air Force (USAF) in Nevada.
The UAE’s relationship with Israel also intersects with its relationship with the US, including its hope of securing access to advanced US military technology and assets, such as the F-35 Stealth Fighter Jet.
In September 2020, UAE foreign ministry spokesperson Hend Al-Otaiba stated that a request for the F-35 had been made six years previously, and that, “given that the UAE intends to be a partner to Israel, and already has a deep strategic partnership with the US, we are hopeful the request will be granted”.
While the sale of the F-35 by the US to the UAE has yet to materialise, relations between the UAE and Israel have nonetheless thrived on their own since the accords, on the basis of ongoing shared security interests and the opportunities for business, trade and investment between the two countries.
Since 2020, the value of trade between the UAE and Israel has swollen to about $3bn annually, and defence ties have only strengthened. In 2022, Israel supplied the UAE with air defence systems following long-range attacks on the UAE's oil infrastructure by the Iran-aligned Houthi movement in Yemen.
Israel-Palestine problems
It was as early as June 2023, however, that US Secretary of State Antony Blinken first warned that rising tensions in Palestine and Israel’s actions in the West Bank could imperil the process of normalisation.
With the advent of the war in Gaza, those fears of a damaging escalation in tensions have been realised.
As the conflict erupted in October, the UAE kept its distance and restricted itself to only the most limited commentary, condemning the “serious and grave escalation” by Hamas-led militants while calling for the full protection of all civilians under international humanitarian law.
By November, as the violence in Gaza ratcheted up, Abu Dhabi similarly affirmed its commitment to the accords even as individual UAE officials publicly condemned Israel’s actions and called for an end to the violence, pushing for a ceasefire, humanitarian aid and the release of hostages.
Anwar Gargash, a diplomatic adviser to the president, labelled the conflict a “profound setback” for the region, and stressed that the tragic course of events should lead to a political re-engagement on the issues of realising a two-state solution with East Jerusalem as its capital.
The close working relationship between the UAE and Israel nevertheless continued, as evidenced by Israel’s acquiescence to Abu Dhabi’s humanitarian efforts in Gaza, which have included the UAE setting up a field hospital and performing aerial aid drops in the territory.
The long grind of the conflict and the increasing inflexibility and intransigence on ceasefire negotiations by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have nevertheless steadily eroded this early good will.
While in early January, Gargash affirmed that the normalisation agreement was “a strategic decision, and strategic decisions are long-term”, by late January, senior UAE officials were ringing alarm bells.
Four months on, speaking at the Arab Media Forum in Dubai in late May, Gargash lambasted the conflict in Gaza as having taken on “brutal and inhuman dimensions”, stating that the “heinous attack in Gaza and Rafah cannot be overlooked” – a far more critical tone than his earlier conciliatory speech.
Unreliable partner
On the international stage, the disinclination of the Israeli government to listen to any of its key allies or partners has been trying for all, including the US. For Israel’s normalised partners in the Middle East, the conflict has underscored the tension between the Abraham Accords and underlying regional sentiments.
The UAE’s own founding father, Sheikh Zayed, was an ardent personal supporter of the Palestinian cause, and under his watch, the UAE was one of the first states to recognise Palestine as an independent state.
In the present, the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza is drawing the competing influences of the UAE’s contemporary strategic interests and underlying sympathy for the Palestinian people into stark relief, and it is having a chilling effect on relations.
Public announcements in the UAE of deals with Israeli companies, which abounded before the conflict, have evaporated, and at least one very public deal has been put on hold amid the uncertainty.
Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (Adnoc) had been due to take a $2bn stake, alongside the UK’s BP, in Israeli gas producer NewMed, which holds 45% of Israel’s Leviathan offshore gas field.
In mid-May, Netanyahu suggested that the UAE could be involved in the governance of Gaza – drawing a swift rejection from UAE Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, who stated: “The UAE refuses to be drawn into any plan aimed at providing cover for the Israeli presence in the Gaza Strip.”
The episode was a stark demonstration of the breakdown in communication and diplomatic alignment between Abu Dhabi and Tel Aviv, and it joins a wider pattern of reports that UAE officials are already looking beyond Netanyahu and cultivating relations with his potential successors.
On 5 June, the UAE’s foreign minister again condemned the Israeli government after it allowed the divisive annual ‘Flag March’ of Israeli settlers through Jerusalem’s old city, as well as settler activism in the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound, despite the extraordinarily heightened tensions over Gaza.
For UAE-Israel ties to thrive, Abu Dhabi needs a government partner in Tel Aviv that it can work with on a productive basis to safeguard interests between the two countries while avoiding diplomatic affronts.
Unfortunately for the UAE, the current Israeli government – with the far-right ministers that Netanyahu has brought into the cabinet – has had a habit of proving itself to be the very antithesis of such a partner.
Looking ahead, it could be a long road for UAE-Israel ties to return to resembling their halcyon state of 2021-22, and it will take a government in Israel under someone other than Netanyahu to get there.
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The capital was raised from a group of anchor investors comprising PIF and other global and regional institutional partners.
The fund will invest in businesses based in Saudi Arabia and the wider Middle East, pursuing buyouts, minority growth equity and other opportunities across sectors including financial, business and consumer services, industrials, technology and healthcare.
Capital will be allocated to investments in the Middle East, with a focus on the GCC. The fund targets allocating 50% of its investments to Saudi Arabia.
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“Our partnership with Brookfield is designed to help anchor international private equity into Saudi Arabia and the region. It will also accelerate deal flow while continuing to bring world-class expertise to the local capital market ecosystem,” said Yazeed Al-Humied, deputy governor and head of Mena investments at PIF.
The fund draws on Brookfield’s offices in Riyadh and its wider global network. As part of the initiative, Brookfield will make the Brookfield Academy, its professional learning programme founded in 2019, available in Saudi Arabia to develop local investment talent.
PIF and Brookfield agreed to create the fund in October 2024. The announcement follows the approval of PIF’s 2026-30 strategy in April, which focuses on maximising financial returns, improving investment efficiency and increasing private sector participation.
“We are grateful for the collaboration with PIF and our other strategic anchor partners, reflecting the global confidence and strong demand for private equity opportunities in Saudi Arabia and the region. Brookfield has been active in the Middle East for nearly three decades, and we bring deep local investment expertise, local networks and an owner-operator approach to transforming high-quality businesses. We see a compelling opportunity to partner with businesses across the region and position them for long-term growth,” said Bruce Flatt, CEO of Brookfield Corporation.
Saudi footprint
The fund is the latest step in Brookfield’s expansion in Saudi Arabia. Its local unit, Brookfield Arabia for Business Services, received Capital Market Authority approval in June to manage investments and run funds in the country. In May 2025, Brookfield launched a $1bn joint venture with Abu Dhabi’s Lunate focused on residential real estate in the Middle East, with a focus on the UAE and Saudi Arabia.
The fund also fits a wider PIF pattern of using relationships with global asset managers to channel international capital into the domestic economy rather than deploying Saudi money abroad. In the same month as the BMEP close, PIF signed $24.5bn in memorandums of understanding with the World Bank Group and US Export-Import Bank to draw outside capital into its portfolio companies, alongside a $2bn co-investment agreement with US-based I Squared Capital targeting infrastructure and district cooling.
Gulf expansion
Brookfield has signalled a broader push into the Gulf. In May, Flatt said the company intended to increase its investments in the region despite the ongoing conflict.
“In fact, [we're] doubling down; we are doing more,” Flatt said when asked at the Milken Institute Global Conference on 4 May whether the ongoing conflict in the region was changing the way he thought about the Gulf.
“When you find great businesses, countries, great people, and the market offers you an opportunity to invest when others are not, it is always the best opportunity in the world, so we are doing more. We have been there for 25 years; we are continuing to do all of the investments we have there, and we are going to do more,” he added.
Flatt suggested the current period of geopolitical stress could accelerate long-term economic strengthening across the Gulf, arguing that governments and businesses would respond by investing in self-sufficiency and strategic infrastructure.
Since the conflict began on 28 February, Flatt has travelled to the region to meet senior UAE officials. In Abu Dhabi on 9 April, he met Sheikh Khaled Bin Mohamed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi and chairman of the Abu Dhabi Executive Council, to discuss cooperation in investment and asset management between UAE-based institutions and Brookfield.
Two days later, in Dubai, Flatt met Sheikh Maktoum Bin Mohammed Bin Rashid Al-Maktoum, First Deputy Ruler of Dubai, Deputy Prime Minister, Finance Minister and chairman of Dubai International Financial Centre, to explore opportunities to expand cooperation.
Regional deals
Brookfield has also been active elsewhere in the region. In May, the firm formed a joint venture with Kuwait-based Alshaya Group to develop a 480,000-square-foot mixed-use project in the Dubai Hills area of Dubai, a master-planned community developed by Emaar. The project will include Grade A office space, build-to-rent residential units and retail components, with Brookfield Properties acting as development and real estate manager.
In late 2025, Brookfield and Qai, Qatar’s artificial intelligence (AI) company and a subsidiary of Qatar Investment Authority, announced a strategic partnership to establish a $20bn joint venture focused on AI infrastructure in Qatar and select international markets. The venture is slated to be backed through Brookfield’s Artificial Intelligence Infrastructure Fund, part of a broader programme targeting up to $100bn in global investment.
Brookfield has been directly investing in the region since 2015 and has built a portfolio of more than $16bn of managed assets across private equity, real estate and infrastructure.
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SSH wins Muscat cultural complex5 August 2026
Kuwait-based engineering and architecture consultancy SSH has been appointed as the construction supervision consultant for the Sayyid Tarik Bin Taimur Cultural Complex in Oman.
The firm will provide construction supervision services across the project, overseeing construction activities, monitoring quality, coordinating specialist subconsultants and working with stakeholders throughout delivery.
SSH was appointed by UK-based Mace, the project management consultant, on behalf of Oman’s Ministry of Culture, Sports & Youth.
The complex is located in Al-Seeb, Muscat, on a 400,000-square-metre (sq m) site. It is centred on an urban plaza and brings together a range of cultural and institutional facilities.
These include a 23,000 sq m national library, a 15,500 sq m national archives, four facilities buildings with a combined area of 14,000 sq m and a 5,000 sq m energy and data centre.
At the heart of the development is the national theatre, comprising a 1,000-seat auditorium and a 250-seat auditorium. The facilities are set within landscaped gardens and water features, alongside a signature canopy structure.
In October 2023, the Ministry of Culture, Sports & Youth awarded a design-and-build construction contract for the complex to a joint venture of local firm Saif Salim Issa Al-Harrasi and Turkiye’s Sembol Construction, MEED reported.
In January 2026, UAE-based steel structure manufacturer Emirates Building Systems, a wholly owned subsidiary of Dubai Investments, won a contract to deliver the project’s complete structural steel package.
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PIF completes $55bn EA buyout5 August 2026
A consortium led by Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund (PIF) has completed the acquisition of US video games publisher Electronic Arts (EA), taking the company private in a deal valued at $55bn.
The transaction closed on 4 August, resulting in EA’s delisting from the Nasdaq stock exchange 36 years after its listing. Shareholders will receive $210 in cash for each share, a premium of about 25% on the closing price before the deal was announced in September 2025.
PIF holds about 94% of the company, while US technology investor Silver Lake holds 5.5% and Affinity Partners, the firm founded by Jared Kushner, holds 1.1%.
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The consortium’s control of EA strengthens its links to the global football ecosystem through the EA Sports FC franchise, adding to PIF’s investments in the sport, which include English Premier League club Newcastle United and four clubs in the Saudi Pro League. Saudi Arabia has also hosted esports events, including the 2025 Esports World Cup.
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What foreign companies still get wrong about Iraq5 August 2026

Improved security, political stability and stronger oil revenues have brought Iraq back into investor conversations in recent years. Higher oil prices restored state finances, revived public spending and reinforced the narrative that Iraq was once again open for business. Relative calm strengthened that sentiment among regional and international firms.
Yet Iraq’s investment narrative has improved faster than its operating reality. A common mistake among foreign investors has been to view operations in Iraq primarily through the lens of security. While physical security remains important – particularly in the current regional climate – some of the most persistent risks are structural. These include opaque counterparties with hidden political backing, fragmented authority and overlapping power centres, exposure to sanctions-linked networks, and weak and often corrupt law enforcement and judicial institutions.
For most firms, the real test begins after market entry: when choosing a partner, bidding for contracts, moving funds, securing government approvals or attempting to enforce a contract or court judgment.
The current conflict has not changed these risks; rather, it has made them harder to ignore.
Basic due diligence and document checks are often insufficient to mitigate risks in a market as complex as Iraq
Counterparty risks and how to mitigate them
For many foreign investors operating in Iraq, one of the most significant risks lies in dealing with local counterparties – business partners, contractors, suppliers, clients and customers. Companies may appear conventional on paper, but ownership and control are often obscured through proxies.
One challenge is identifying who ultimately controls or benefits from a business and whether it has links to politically exposed persons, armed groups or sanctioned networks. Another is examining its business practices for signs of corruption or other illicit activity.
Every so often, we encounter seemingly well-established and reputable Iraqi business groups with extensive foreign partnerships that, following in-depth investigation, appear to be ultimately controlled by or linked to politicians, militia leaders, sanctioned individuals or Iran-aligned armed groups. Such connections often indicate a history of corrupt practices, ranging from bribery and the use of high-placed connections to secure government contracts to involvement in sophisticated money-laundering schemes or smuggling and diversion operations benefiting the Iranian state.
Foreign firms engaging with local counterparties may enter what appears to be a routine commercial arrangement, only to discover later that they are doing business with a highly sensitive or controversial political actor. The consequences extend beyond commercial risk. Regulatory, legal and reputational repercussions can follow, particularly where sanctions or criminal exposure exists.
Basic due diligence and document checks are often insufficient to mitigate risks in a market as complex as Iraq. Obtaining a deeper understanding of a potential counterparty’s ownership, control and track record is often constrained by the limited availability of credible information.
One of Iraq’s paradoxes is that it is not a data-poor jurisdiction. It generates abundant media reporting, leaks and social-media narratives. The challenge lies in judging what information matters, who is driving it, and what is missing.
The government also maintains a publicly accessible corporate register – Tasjeel – which contains basic information on the ownership of Iraq-registered private companies. The details, however, can be incomplete or out of date, and names on official filings often do not reflect actual control. There is also a notable lack of transparency when it comes to legal searches in Iraq: neither criminal nor civil litigation records are publicly available.
The availability of information also varies across the country. Iraq is not a single commercial jurisdiction. In practice, overlapping and sometimes competing systems of authority exist, particularly between federal Iraq and the Kurdistan Region. Licensing, customs procedures, taxation, political sponsorship and legal recourse can differ significantly, as can the accessibility of official records, with the Kurdistan Region generally offering less transparency.
For all these reasons, source-based enquiries remain central to any serious risk assessment in Iraq. Human intelligence gathered on the ground through a network of knowledgeable sources often fills critical information gaps, providing context and insights that cannot be obtained from public records alone.
The impact of regional war and political changes on structural weaknesses
The recent deterioration in the regional security environment has renewed attention on Iraq. Investors are once again weighing insurance costs, movement restrictions, supply-chain exposure and the risk of disruption from armed escalation.
The implications, however, extend well beyond immediate security concerns. Regional conflict often strengthens informal power structures, elevates the influence of armed factions, increases exposure to pro-Iran networks and complicates sanctions assessments. Institutions may slow decision‑making, while border friction, diversion risk and financial scrutiny intensify.
As a result, the risk categories familiar to foreign investors – political, compliance, legal and operational – often become intertwined in Iraq. A politically exposed counterparty can become a sanctions issue; a regulatory delay can turn political; and a commercial dispute may prove unenforceable where the other party operates within a stronger network of influence.
There is also a new variable in play. Iraq’s new prime minister, Ali Al-Zaidi, is a seasoned businessman with significant interests in banking, the food industry and other sectors. For foreign investors, this background may be viewed as a positive signal, suggesting a greater emphasis on deal-making, investor outreach and easing market entry. However, a businessman at the top can help only up to a point. Iraq’s core business risks are rooted in institutions, networks and entrenched political structures that even a pro‑business leader must navigate.
Counterparty risk assessment should sit at the centre of any market-entry strategy
What serious investors should do differently
None of this means Iraq should be written off. It remains a market with scale, unmet demand and clear areas of opportunity. But it does mean foreign companies need a more disciplined approach.
Counterparty risk assessment should sit at the centre of any market-entry strategy. That means identifying beneficial ownership, mapping political exposure, screening for sanctions links and understanding the broader network surrounding a local counterparty rather than relying solely on a basic corporate registry check.
Iraq should also be treated as a market that requires continuous monitoring, not one-off screening. Ownership, influence and compliance exposure can change quickly. A clean partner at onboarding is not guaranteed to remain a low risk a year later.
About the authors
Dr Anastasia Nosova is associate managing director at K2 Integrity, a prominent global risk advisory, compliance and corporate investigations firm. Renwar Ahmed is an associate at the company’s Investigations & Disputes practice.
MEED’s June 2026 report on Iraq includes:
> COMMENT: Iraq’s reform window narrows
> GOVERNMENT: Al-Zaidi takes Iraq’s premiership under US shadow
> BANKING: Financial challenge tests Iraq’s resolve
> ECONOMY: Iraq enters era of resilience, reform and rising risks
> OIL & GAS: Iraqi oil and gas sector in crisis
> POWER & WATER: Focus shifts to delivery of Iraq utilities expansion
> CONSTRUCTION: Momentum builds in Iraq’s post-war construction sectorTo see previous issues of MEED Business Review, please click herehttps://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/18093093/main.gif -
Riyadh qualifies bidders for Quality Valley PPP project5 August 2026
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Saudi Arabia’s State Properties General Authority (SPGA), in collaboration with the National Centre for Privatisation & PPP (NCP), has qualified five consortiums and three individual companies to bid for the contract to develop the Quality Valley Riyadh project.
The public-private partnership (PPP) scheme will transform the Saudi Standards, Metrology & Quality Organisation’s headquarters site in Riyadh’s Al-Muhammadiyah area into a mixed-use district.
The first consortium includes Alrashid Properties, Saudi Bonyan Real Estate Investment and Artar Real Estate Development.
The second brings together Albawardi, Arabian Real Estate Investment Company (Areic) and US-based SkyBridge.
The third comprises AlOula and Ajdan.
The fourth consists of Buna, Bany Holding and Sumou Investment.
The fifth is formed by Assets for Facilities Management (AFM), BA, Heyazah and Ahmad Mohammed Alsaif & Sons for Trade & Investment.
The three companies qualified to bid individually are Tanama, Al-Ayuni and Mada International Holding.
In July, MEED reported that SPGA and NCP had tendered the contract, with bidders allowed until 8 October to submit their proposals.
Known as the Quality Valley Riyadh project, the scheme will be developed on a design, build, finance, operate, maintain and transfer basis.
The project comprises commercial offices, a four-star hotel and retail facilities. The contract term is 32 years, in addition to a three-year construction period. The site covers about 191,000 square metres.
UK-based PricewaterhouseCoopers, US-based engineering firm Jacobs and Saudi Arabia’s Al-Nowaisser & Al-Suwaylimi are advising on the project.
READ THE AUGUST 2026 MEED BUSINESS REVIEW – click here to view PDFSaudi Arabia builds for the global stage; Rising uncertainty creates fresh set of challenges in the Maghreb; Gulf banks remain robust in the face of geopolitical tensions.
Distributed to senior decision-makers in the region and around the world, the August 2026 edition of MEED Business Review includes:
> WORLD CUP: What the 2026 World Cup means for Saudi Arabia 2034> MARKET FOCUS: Maghreb fortunes diverge> INDUSTRY REPORT: GCC banks prove resilient amid turmoil> LEADERSHIP: Private capital and the GCC infrastructure inflection> INTERVIEW: Developers look beyond standalone solarTo see previous issues of MEED Business Review, please click herehttps://image.digitalinsightresearch.in/uploads/NewsArticle/18117953/main.jpg