Brics tilts balance of regional interests
27 September 2023

With the extension of invitations to Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE to join the Brics group of major emerging economies – and the acceptance by the UAE – Middle East interests are represented within the bloc for the first time and could end up comprising a third of its total membership.
This potential shift in the geopolitical reorientation of Brics reflects two interests for the group. The first of these is the strategic nature of the Middle East, both in terms of energy and logistics. The second is the key role that Saudi Arabia and the UAE could play in challenging the dollar.
None of this is necessarily a hard sell. As it stands, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have reserved, business-like and occasionally testy relations with the US and the EU, while Iran is alienated by sanctions. All four Middle East countries meanwhile have strong and expanding trade relations with China and India.
From the perspective of China, India and Russia, the Middle Eastern invitees to Brics are ripe targets for being drawn further away from the sphere of Western influence. Brics, as a collective of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, is already a counter of sorts to the G7 and aims to level the global playing field.
The addition of six new members stands to not only increase the bloc’s leverage, but, in Saudi Arabia and the UAE, aims to add two countries that are also ambitious about raising their stature on the global stage.
Strategic partnership
In terms of economics, the proposed expansion of the Brics membership would increase the size of the bloc by about a tenth, adding markets responsible for $2.6tn in GDP and populated by 409 million people, as of 2021, according to the World Bank. This builds on an existing GDP of $27.3tn – $17.7tn of it from China alone – and a population of 3.6 billion people.
Of the invited countries, Saudi Arabia represents the largest single potential net gain for the group, with its economy valued at about twice that of existing member South Africa.
Trade ties are already extensive within the group. China and India are top trade partners for Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, so the prospective new Brics membership is building upon a framework of already highly interconnected and integrated economic relationships.
China is the single-most important trading partner of Saudi Arabia, accounting for 17 per cent of the kingdom’s foreign trade, while India accounts for about 9 per cent. The UAE and Egypt are also top trading partners for the kingdom.
Overall, this means that the new prospective line-up of the Brics bloc could potentially represent a sizeable proportion of Saudi Arabia’s total trade moving forward.
China, India and Saudi Arabia are similarly two of the UAE’s top trade partners, while China, India and the UAE are all among Iran’s top trade partners. China and Saudi Arabia are likewise major trade partners for Egypt.
Though the expansion may represent a fractional upscaling in terms of market volume and value, the broadening of the bloc to strategic players in the Middle East could have an outsized potential to strengthen its member states’ global influence and collective bargaining.
Not least is the addition of three key members of oil producers’ group Opec – Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE – and observer state Egypt, up from the single Opec+ party Russia.
This stands to bring key energy producers into yet closer economic partnership with China and India, both major energy consumers. It could also be key to progressing the Brics ambition of loosening the hold of the dollar by transitioning major bilateral energy transactions conducted in dollars into other currencies.
Next steps
The UAE’s quick acceptance of the Brics invitation shows its enthusiasm for strategic advancement and the potential leverage that a more empowered bloc could represent. The country will nevertheless, like India, need to carefully balance its role in the group with its existing US partnership – perhaps more so than any of the other invitees.
The UAE’s agreements with China and India to trade in local currencies is already a major win for the bloc in its efforts to reduce reliance on the US dollar. The more ambitious proposal for a common Brics currency to counter dollar fluctuations remains complex and uncertain.
The likes of Saudi Arabia and the UAE do, however, have the financial clout and expertise to potentially place the Brics-established New Development Bank on firmer economic footing, improve its project management and help establish it as a more credible counterpart to the likes of the Washington-based IMF and the World Bank.
Much will hinge on which of the remaining invitees ultimately choose to join the bloc.
Iran and Egypt are expected to swiftly follow the UAE in accepting. Saudi Arabia is still carefully weighing the invitation, cautious of the chilling effect that throwing in its lot too clearly with China could have on its US relationship.
For both Saudi Arabia and the UAE to join Brics would be a major coup for the bloc and a momentous shift in global politics.
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US–Iran deal sets Hormuz road map17 June 2026
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
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The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
Shipping associations are no less cautious, with the Baltic and International Maritime Council calling for verified mine-free routes before volume traffic resumes.
Insurance underwriters are likewise unlikely to relent on prices until clearance is confirmed.
Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
Levant entanglement
Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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