Abu Dhabi hopes bigger is better with Disney theme park
8 May 2025
Commentary
Colin Foreman
Editor
Ever since Aldar Properties first launched the Yas Island project with its Yas Marina Circuit for the Abu Dhabi Grand Prix in 2006, Abu Dhabi has been steadily adding theme parks to the island’s roster of attractions. First, there was the Ferrari theme park, then came a water park, a Warner Bros theme park and, most recently, SeaWorld.
The theory with theme park development is bigger is better.
A destination needs a series of parks to create a critical mass to attract visitors who can stay and enjoy multiple parks in one visit. The example always cited is Florida, which is home to many of the world’s largest theme parks, including Disney World.
The theory gained particular traction in the region when Dubai Parks and Resorts opened. The company, which was public until it was acquired by Meraas in 2021, reported significant losses as it struggled to attract enough visitors.
Although it opened with Legoland, Legoland Waterpark, Motiongate and Bollywood theme parks, insiders said that the problem with the development was that it did not have enough attractions to turn it into a successful theme park destination.
The financial performance of theme parks on Yas Island has not been publicly disclosed. While it is accepted that they have been more successful than their counterparts in Dubai, some say that the island still does not have the critical mass required to establish itself as a global destination for theme park visitors.

Miral has developed a series of theme parks and other entertainment-related attractions on Yas Island
Enter Disney
Disney changes that. It is the largest brand in the theme park space and will be a major attraction, but with limited information released on the project so far, it is difficult to fully gauge how significant the project will be.
The official release said that the project will be developed and operated by Abu Dhabi developer Miral, adding that Disney’s in-house design and engineering unit, Walt Disney Imagineering, will lead creative design and operational oversight to provide a world-class experience. It did not give any details on the ownership of the project.
In Hong Kong, for example, a company, Hong Kong International Theme Parks, was established as a joint venture, with the Government of Hong Kong holding 57% and The Walt Disney Company holding 43%.
In Japan, the structure is different. The Tokyo Disney Resort is owned and operated by Oriental Land, and the company pays licences and royalties to The Walt Disney Company.
In interviews following the launch announcement, Miral CEO Mohamed Abdalla Al-Zaabi confirmed the arrangement will be like Tokyo.
Waterfront location
The official release for the Abu Dhabi launch also said that the project is on Yas Island, which only has limited areas of land to develop. The release also said that the land is waterfront, and imagery in the launch video shows the Abu Dhabi skyline in the background, suggesting the land is on the northern waterfront of Yas Island.
There is a substantial tract of undeveloped land on the north shore of the island, which measures about 2 square kilometres (sq km). This is larger than the site that Hong Kong Disneyland occupies, and much smaller than Disney World in Florida, which spans an area of 111 sq km – nearly five times the size of the whole of Yas Island and nearly double the size of Abu Dhabi Island.
The hope is that Yas Island will become a leading global theme park destination and attract large numbers of visitors wanting a holiday with multiple theme park visits
Exclusivity clause
Another area of interest will be whether Abu Dhabi has an exclusivity agreement with Disney for the region. No exclusivity was mentioned at the launch, but in Hong Kong, the issue became contentious when Disney announced plans to build a park shortly after Disneyland Hong Kong opened. Local politicians criticised the Hong Kong government for not including an exclusivity clause in its deal with Disney.
Tourism gateway
Like Hong Kong, Abu Dhabi is a smaller economy sitting next to a larger regional player. With Saudi Arabia’s ambitious Vision 2030 strategy and its existing roster of theme park developments at Qiddiya, which includes a Six Flags, a water park and a Dragon Ball Z theme park, developers in Riyadh would likely be keen to have a Disney theme park, too.
For now, with Disney on board in Abu Dhabi, the hope is that Yas Island will become a leading global theme park destination and attract large numbers of visitors wanting a holiday with multiple theme park visits.
The potential is certainly there. During the project launch, Disney highlighted that the UAE is located within a four-hour flight of one-third of the world’s population, making it a significant gateway for tourism. It is also home to the largest global airline hub in the world, with 120 million passengers travelling through Abu Dhabi and Dubai each year.
If that potential is realised, then the bigger is better theory will be proved right. If the park’s performance disappoints, then it will suggest the region is not such a great destination for theme parks after all.
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The US-Iran agreement, declared complete on 14 June, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, lifts the US naval blockade and ends a war that has closed the Gulf’s export artery since 28 February. The strait reopens at Friday’s signing on paper, but the recovery will take months.
US President Donald Trump announced the deal on Truth Social, authorising the "toll-free opening" of the strait and the immediate removal of the blockade, with formal signing set for Geneva on 19 June – with vice-president JD Vance to sign for Washington and parliamentary speaker Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf for Tehran in the highest-level US-Iran meeting since 1979.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Kazem Gharibabadi confirmed the text was finalised but said Tehran would not implement it until signing, with the strait staying closed in the interim.
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The signing on 19 June is merely the starting line that will set in motion a partial reopening to traffic alongside a clearance operation to remove the mines laid by Tehran across key sections of the strait.
The memorandum gives Iranian forces 30 days from signing to clear the strait of mines. At the same time, the Pentagon’s estimates appear to suggest that a full minesweeping could take up to six months, even with three dedicated vessels in the region.
Such gaps – here a 30-day treaty obligation against a six-month operational reality – have become the running feature of the bilateral negotiations, which have been framed by mutual distrust and plagued by an absence of granular detail.
The deal is welcome for the region despite its uncertainty. Behind the mines sits a tanker backlog built over more than 100 days, and Gulf producers that throttled back production and need time and assurances to restore flow.
Before the war, roughly 100 ships transited daily; Kpler now projects around 40 a day could sail within the first month, but with an estimated 300 loaded vessels stranded on either side of the strait, and 250 more sitting empty and idle in the Gulf, it is a pressure release valve, not an immediate restoration of flow.
A total restoration of oil and trade flows is unlikely to come into view before the year’s end.
Insurance represents the second brake, with war-risk premiums standing at 1-4% of vessel value per transit, or about $8m for a $200m tanker – against less than 0.1% before the war.
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Conditional relief
Markets have already traded the sentiment, however. Brent settled at $87.33 on 13 June – an eight-week low – and have fallen further as the deal has firmed. As of early morning trading on 16 June, the first full day of trading after the Islamic New Year, Brent was down at $78.
Yet the relief remains highly conditional: a 60-day nuclear negotiation now follows the signing, and a breakdown in either this, passage through the strait or peace in Lebanon could return the strait to crisis.
The US-touted toll-free terminology is also narrower than billed, with the Iranians instead affirming a 60-day grace period for fees but not eliminating the possibility of “fees” for navigation, environmental and insurance services after that point.
The distinction is legal, not rhetorical, with international maritime law barring tolls on passage through natural straits but permitting the imposition of service fees on vessels passing through territorial waters.
It is through this terminology that Iran is now consistently framing its plans to charge fees from passing vessels through the office of its Persian Gulf Strait Authority – established 5 May and since sanctioned by the US Treasury.
For the Gulf, a 60-day waiver that resolves into an Iranian (and possibly joint Omani) fee regime is a pause in Iran’s tollgate economy, not its end – and would represent a strategic concession for the US, the Gulf and the globe.
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Lebanon is another conditional space that the deal cannot fully escape, with a flare-up on that front being the final potential trigger that could collapse the 60-day agreement.
Iran has explicitly tied a ceasefire in Lebanon to the resolution of transit in the strait, but Israel does not agree with this, and the linkage may have inadvertently handed Tel Aviv the exact tool it needs to disrupt the US–Iran ceasefire – through the simple of continuing a conflict that it already wants to continue.
Within a day of the deal, Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz said the IDF would stay in southern Lebanon “without any time limit”, with US officials corroborating that Israeli withdrawal was never a condition of a deal.
On the ground, the ceasefire is already looking frail, with post-deal fire straying in both directions and already endangering the regional calm and Hormuz reopening the Gulf is already pricing.
For Gulf producers and shippers, the distinction and in some cases friction between what the deal declares and what it actually delivers remains a cause for uncertainty.
A declaration is easy, but the delivery requires nuclear negotiation, mine-clearance verification, insurance repricing and a 60-day political test before barrels can again move at volume.
Trump, who has been frustrated for months with the slow progress on Iran from a US perspective, is also more than likely to be distracted by other concerns on a timeline shorter than 60 days – risking the political will to peace coming up short.
In the Gulf, whether Saudi Arabia and the UAE send cabinet-level representatives to Geneva on Friday will signal whether the region’s political leaders are willing to wield the political capital necessary to keep the US on track and pursue the ceasefire to fruition.
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