Instability drives up defence budgets
22 February 2024
At the World Defence Show in Riyadh on 4-8 February, SR26bn ($6.9bn) of contracts were finalised, including SR20bn agreed by the Saudi Defence Ministry.
Perhaps the most prominent feature was the number of localisation deals that were struck between Saudi government entities and international weapons manufacturers, including US firms Lockheed Martin and Raytheon, France’s Thales and South Korea’s Kia.
The Saudi authorities still have a way to go to meet their ambition – set out in the Vision 2030 economic diversification strategy – to allocate half of all defence equipment spending within the kingdom by the end of the decade, but it is clearly a goal they continue to prioritise.
“There is definitely that focus on bolstering investment within defence budgets,” said Fenella McGerty, senior fellow for defence economics at the London-based think tank the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS).
“We are seeing a focus on R&D [research and development] particularly. It was far too low in this region. It needs to increase to about 4% of the defence budget – as it would be in Europe – and it was about 1%. Countries are moving towards implementing that change within defence spending.”
Increasing investment
McGerty was speaking at the launch of the latest IISS Military Balance report in mid-February. The report showed a further rise in Saudi defence spending in the past year.
According to IISS data, Saudi Arabia’s defence outlay climbed 5.7% in 2023 to SR259bn ($69bn). This was lower than the 28% growth the year before, but is still among the fastest-growing military budgets in the wider region, and is far larger than the nearest competitors – the UAE, with an outlay of $20.7bn in 2023, and Israel with $19.2bn.
Overall, defence spending in the Middle East and North Africa region was up 9.5% in 2023, with Gulf countries accounting for just over 72% of the $183bn total – a figure that does not include Libya, the Palestinian territories, Sudan, Syria or Yemen, due to a lack of reliable information.
North African countries accounted for a 16.3% share of the total, with the Levant taking up the remaining 11.5%.
One of the most significant aspects was a doubling of Algeria’s military budget to $18.3bn, from $9.2bn the year before. IISS attributed this to a recent procurement deal with Russia. In 2022, Russian media reported that a deal worth $12bn-$17bn was being negotiated, covering submarines, fighter jets and air defence systems.
The sharp rise in military spending has pushed Algeria’s defence budget up to 8.2% of the country’s GDP – far higher than any other country in the region. The nearest rivals by that measure are Saudi Arabia at 6.5% and Oman at 6.0%.
Regional disputes
The one-off nature of the Russian deal means Algeria’s military spending is likely to fall back next year, but in other parts of the region, rising tensions are pushing governments to dedicate more funding to their armed forces. In early February, Israel’s parliament gave initial approval to an amended budget to help fund Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s war in Gaza, providing an additional $15bn.
With tensions rising in nearby Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen, other governments may feel the need to take similar action. However, they may also have to deal with a trend of weaker economic growth, with projections being downgraded for the region as a result of the negative impact of the Gaza war on trade, tourism and investment.
Iraq – which has become an arena for fighting between Iran-backed militia and US forces in recent months – already posted a 47% increase in its defence budget for 2023, taking it to $10.3bn.
As Baghdad attempts to catch up on procurement plans that were delayed by the Covid-19 pandemic, it plans to invest in improved air defence systems and is also in the market for new fighter jets, with France’s Rafale and China’s JF-17 Thunder both understood to be under consideration. At least some of the additional spending will be funded by loans from the US Defence Security Cooperation Agency and the South Korean government.
In some countries, spending is going in the opposite direction. Egypt’s defence outlay fell 34% in 2023 to $3.6bn. However, this was due to inflation and the falling value of the Egyptian pound; in local currency terms, the budget was up by 7% to £E92.4bn.
Iran has also been investing heavily in a manner that is unusual in the region in that it is now home to an extensive domestic weapons development and manufacturing base. This situation is due to international sanctions, which have made it difficult for Tehran to source advanced weaponry from abroad.
The advances Iran has made in missile and drone production have been seen on battlefields in Yemen and Ukraine, with Iran now a key supplier to Russia..
The home-grown strength that Tehran has developed is something that Saudi Arabia and the UAE would like to emulate and surpass. Both countries have faced some difficulty in securing modern armaments and equipment from western suppliers, due to disquiet about their actions in Yemen.
While most of those objections have now been dropped, some advanced weaponry remains out of reach, with the US still refusing to sell F-35 fighter jets to the UAE, for example. Such factors mean they will continue to invest heavily in their domestic defence industries in the coming years, while also procuring more equipment from non-western sources such as China.
Main image: Middle East and North Africa military expenditure. Souce: IISS Military Balance 2024
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War likely to boost oil and gas activity in North Africa25 March 2026

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The US and Israel’s ongoing war with Iran is likely to boost oil and gas project activity in North Africa, as the high-price environment encourages the region’s national oil companies to push ahead with projects that will allow them to increase exports.
In recent weeks, international oil and gas prices have stayed consistently far higher than levels seen before the US and Israel launched their attack on Iran on 28 February, killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei.
For the past two weeks, the price of Brent crude has remained above $90 a barrel and has hit a high of more than $109.
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Damage to infrastructure has included attacks on oil and gas fields, as well as strikes on oil refineries, storage facilities and gas processing plants.
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On 18 March, Saad Sherida Al-Kaabi, QatarEnergy’s CEO and minister of state for energy affairs, said Iranian strikes on Ras Laffan Industrial City – home to the world’s largest liquefied natural gas (LNG) production and export facility – had knocked out about 17% of its LNG export capacity.
He said the attacks were expected to cause an estimated $20bn in lost annual revenue and that repairs could take three to five years to complete.
In Bahrain, the Sitra oil refinery, which has a throughput capacity of 405,000 barrels a day (b/d), has been attacked and damaged, leading Bapco to declare force majeure.
Strikes also hit the Ras Tanura refinery in Saudi Arabia, as well as the Habshan gas processing complex in the UAE.
North Africa
The high-price environment and the long-term impact of the ongoing conflict represent an opportunity for North Africa’s oil-producing nations, especially the region’s biggest oil and gas exporters: Algeria and Libya.
Higher prices will dramatically increase government revenues for these countries, giving them more capacity to invest in infrastructure projects, while also providing a significant financial incentive to boost production in the short term.
Both Algeria and Libya are close to European markets that have relied on oil and gas from the GCC and Iraq, and neither country relies on the Strait of Hormuz to transport exports.
The two countries also appear to be seeking to accelerate oil and gas projects at a time of heightened demand from energy-importing nations to secure reliable supplies.
Libya push
Earlier this month, MEED revealed that talks were under way at Libya’s National Oil Corporation (NOC) to potentially launch a new licensing round to award some of the unawarded exploration blocks from the 2025 licensing round.
In the downstream sector, Libya also seems to be pushing to progress projects.
Recently, US-based KBR was awarded a contract by Zallaf Exploration, Production & Refining of Oil & Gas Company to provide project management and technical services for the South Refinery Project in Libya’s southern city of Ubari.
Algeria drive
Algeria is also advancing projects in the country’s oil and gas sector.
On 8 March, Algeria’s president signed a decree ratifying the development agreement for a $5.4bn oil and gas project in the country’s Illizi South block.
The decree approved a contract signed in Algiers on 13 October 2025 between Algeria’s national oil and gas company Sonatrach and Saudi Arabia’s Midad Energy North Africa.
The contract granted both companies the rights to explore and exploit hydrocarbons in the Illizi South area.
The total investment of about $5.4bn will be fully financed by Midad Energy, including approximately $288m allocated to the exploration phase.
Amid disruption to global LNG supplies from Qatar, Italy and Spain are currently in talks with Algeria in an effort to secure increased LNG shipments from the North African country.
Algeria’s prime minister has also received requests from Asian countries, including Vietnam, seeking to secure both gas and oil shipments.
It is unclear how much spare capacity Algeria has to supply LNG to new customers, as much of the country’s production is sold in advance under long-term supply agreements.
However, current market conditions are still expected to increase the country’s revenues significantly, as Algiers is likely to be able to command much higher prices in any new agreements.
While the ongoing war is expected to deepen the crisis for many companies operating in the GCC and Iraq oil and gas sector, the opposite could be true for companies established in Libya and Algeria.
Although in recent years these two countries have been viewed as having more challenging business environments than the UAE or Saudi Arabia, companies that have invested in building positions in North Africa’s oil- and gas-exporting states could be well placed to make windfall profits.
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